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The Road to Freedom: mile #3

By Henrik Temp

May 15, 2012, 11:03 am

From The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise by AEI President Arthur Brooks, which was published earlier this month:

It’s going to take a lot more than one election to get us off what Nobel laureate Friedrich Hayek called the ‘road to serfdom.’ Americans today are experiencing a low-grade, virtual servitude to an ever-expanding, unaccountable government that, starved for tax revenues, has appropriated for itself funds that entrepreneurs could have used to grow the economy, has created a protected class of government workers and crony corporations that play by a different set of rules than the rest of America, and has consequently left the nation in hock for generations to come.

From economists Emin M. Dinlersoz and Jeremy Greenwood, The Rise and Fall of Unions in the U.S.:

When the productivity of unskilled labor is (relatively) high it pays for the union to organize a lot of firms and demand generous wages. The shift from an artisan economy to an assembly line economy during the beginning of the 20th century was associated with an increase in the (relative) productivity of unskilled labor that led to an increase in unionization and a decrease in income inequality.

The decline of the assembly line economy and the rise of the information age during the second half of the century reversed this. This led to the ∩-shaped pattern of unionization and the ∪-shaped one for income inequality. … Statistical analysis suggests that skill-biased technological change is an important factor in de-unionization.

In 1900 seven percent of the American workforce were union members. The number of union members rose until the middle of the century, as shown in Figure 1, hitting its apex at 32%. It then began a slow decline. At the end of century 14% of American workers belonged to a union. At the beginning of the 20th century, the top 10% of workers earned 41% of income. This figure declined hitting a low of 31% around mid-century. It then steadily increased to 41% around 2000.1 What could have caused the ∩-shaped pattern of union membership and the ∪-shaped one for the distribution of income? Are they related? The hypothesis here is that skill-biased technological change underlies the rise and fall in union membership, along with the up and down in income inequality. The beginning of the 20th century witnessed a shift away from an artisan economy toward an assembly line one. This favored unskilled labor. The premium for skill declined.

Unskilled labor is homogenous, almost by definition. This makes it easier to unionize than skilled labor. When the demand for unskilled labor rises there is a larger payoff to unionizing it. Things changed at the midpoint of the century. The second industrial revolution was petering out and the information age was dawning. Transistors and silicon chips meant that automatons could replace the hoards of unskilled workers laboring on factory and office floors. This represented a reversal of the earlier trend.

Sorry, my left-liberal friends, there’s no going back to the 1950s and 1960s when unions were strong. And just as technology undercut unions, it has contributed to the rise of income inequality. That is what we call a trade-off, though as long as median incomes are rising and mobility remains high, I don’t much care about inequality driven by technology and globalization, as opposed to crony capitalism.

In a recent editorial assault on Canada, oil-sands climate activist extraordinaire James Hansen (NASA) has basically declared war on Canada’s economy (not to mention our own). Hansen wrote:

Global warming isn’t a prediction. It is happening. That is why I was so troubled to read a recent interview with President Obama in Rolling Stone in which he said that Canada would exploit the oil in its vast tar sands reserves “regardless of what we do.”

He goes on to suggest that the U.S. actually take actions against the interests of our neighbors to the north:

President Obama has the power not only to deny tar sands oil additional access to Gulf Coast refining, which Canada desires in part for export markets, but also to encourage economic incentives to leave tar sands and other dirty fuels in the ground.

This is truly astonishing: A high ranking official at NASA has taken to the pages of the New York Times to lobby the president of the United States to physically embargo Canada’s oil and impose economic sanctions against Canada to force them to eschew tar-sand development and export.

As Bruce Carson, executive director of the Canada School of Energy and the Environment points out in the journal Policy Options, that would be unbearably painful for Canada:

The energy sector represents the largest single private investor of capital in Canada and continues to attract the single largest slice of foreign direct investment, and these investments are spread across the country. The energy sector is a major economic driver for Canada, accounting for 6.8 percent of Canada’s GDP in 2008 and directly employing 276,000 persons, or about 1.9 percent of total direct employment in Canada. In 2007, oil exports alone generated nearly $70 billion for the Canadian economy. The Canadian Energy Research Institute (CERI) estimates that the oil sands industry alone will add 3 percent to Canada’s GDP by 2020 and will create, during the period to 2020, 5.4 million person years of employment, 44 percent of which will be outside Alberta. Currently the oil sands industry contributes toward 112,000 jobs across Canada and, according to CERI, over the next 25 years it is expected to contribute over 11 million person years of employment to Canada and $1.7 trillion to the Canadian economy.

It would feel pretty bad on our end too:

•    Trade between the United States and Canada is huge and growing. Total trade between the two countries was worth $676 billion in 2008—more than one million dollars a minute.

•    Canada is the biggest export market for U.S. products. Moreover, Canada ranked number 1 in 35 states as the leading export market for goods in 2008, and number 2 in 11 others.

•    Trade creates jobs in the United States. More than 8 million U.S. jobs depend on trade with Canada. That’s 4.4% of total U.S. employment—1 in 23 American jobs depends on free and open trade with Canada.

Hansen’s most recent editorial has received sharp criticism for the over-reach of his claims about climate science, but what the media isn’t covering is an unprecedented call for environmental trade war with America’s largest trading partner. Let’s hope they catch up to that aspect of the story.

It wasn’t a meltdown in the mortgage-backed securities market that handed Barack Obama a near-landslide victory in 2008. No, it was fear. Or to put things in Wall Street lingo, it was “a lack of confidence.”

As in “a lack of confidence that ATMs would keep dispensing cash.”

As in “a lack of confidence that millions of unemployed wouldn’t soon be selling their Apples (iPod, iMacs, iPhones) on street corners.”

As in “a lack of confidence that your doomsday prepper neighbor wasn’t right all along.”

And it might be a shattering lack of confidence that sinks the fragile U.S. recovery and makes President Obama a one-term president. As the European Commission puts it, “No other economic relationship in the world is as integrated” as the U.S.-EU economies. Keep that in mind as you ponder how a Greek exit from the euro would almost certainly send the eurozone region headed back to where it was in 2008 and 2009. Confidence, investment, and spending would plunge. (A new poll of Societe Generale clients finds three-fourths think Greece is leaving, by the way. And more and more, the markets do too.)

Great Recession 2.0, EU-style. “This type of shock could produce instability at least as extensive as the aftermath of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008,” says Simon Johnson, former chief economist at the IMF. “It would lead to massive redistribution of capital and wealth, forcing some leveraged institutions into instant insolvency.”

And don’t think for a minute that big problems over there wouldn’t affect us over here. “A banking crisis in the euro area and in the EU would most likely result from an exit by Greece from the euro area. The fundamental financial and real economy linkages from the rest of the world to the euro area and the rest of the EU are strong enough to make this a global concern,” Citigroup Chief Economist Willem Buiter said in a report late last year.

Forget for a moment about the impact on U.S. exports to Europe or the impact on U.S. banks. The contagion of fear alone might be enough to push America—its economy just above sputter speed right now—back into recession. The top thing wealthy investors talk about with their reps at Schwab these days: Europe’s debt problems. And with good reason. Unemployment would head right back to 10%, and incomes would fall. We’d be right back in the ditch, and the last four years would seem like a colossal waste of time, money, and political opportunity.

The last time the U.S. suffered a recession during a presidential election with an incumbent president on the ballot was 1980. Jimmy Carter lost 44 states and won just 41% of the popular vote. Obama might not do a whole lot better.

Kevin A. Hassett and Dean Baker: “The human disaster of unemployment
Thomas Donnelly and Gary J. Schmitt: “Panetta plays chicken
Michael Barone: “Three different ways to look at the 2012 campaign
Arthur C. Brooks: “Uncle Sam or Uncle Sugar?
Daniel Vajdic: “Putin’s growing detachment from the West — and reality
Roger Bate, Aparna Mathur, and Ginger Zhe Jin: “Counterfeit or substandard?
Alan D. Viard: “Taxing state governments under a federal value added tax: Part 1
Aparna Mathur and Alex Brill: “Elizabeth Warren has used shoddy evidence before
Michael Auslin: “Where did the land go?

Recall when the Brits nixed Barclays buying Lehman back in 2008, not wanting to import America’s financial woes. Well, the Fed just gave the thumbs up for China’s megabanks to push into the U.S. market. Bloomberg columnist Jonathan Weil reports that “after spending time combing through the financial reports of China’s biggest publicly traded, state-owned banks, I now understand what Jim Chanos, the famous short-seller, means when he keeps saying they are ‘built on quicksand.’” More from Weil:

The warning signs about China’s construction boom and state-owned banks have been evident for years. News reports of local-government financing vehicles that can’t repay their loans are so abundant, they are hardly surprising anymore. The Big Four banks each have set up loan-loss reserves ranging from about two to three times the size of their nonperforming loans, which probably are understated to begin with. Those reserves wouldn’t be enough should loan losses return to historical norms.

Charlene Chu, a Beijing-based analyst for Fitch Ratings, wrote in a Dec. 2 report on Chinese banks that “Fitch expects the authorities to continue a selective policy of forbearance and liquidity support for borrowers, including loan rollovers and restructurings, new loans, and bond issuance.” As a result, “asset quality issues may not fully appear in NPL (nonperforming loan) ratios until well into a deterioration, if at all.” By the time any big problems show up in the banks’ numbers, the jig will be up.

The NYTimes “economics columnist”:

What does it mean to say that we have a structural unemployment problem? The usual version involves the claim that American workers are stuck in the wrong industries or with the wrong skills. A widely cited recent article by Raghuram Rajan of the University of Chicago asserts that the problem is the need to move workers out of the “bloated” housing, finance and government sectors.

Actually, government employment per capita has been more or less flat for decades, but never mind — the main point is that contrary to what such stories suggest, job losses since the crisis began haven’t mainly been in industries that arguably got too big in the bubble years. Instead, the economy has bled jobs across the board, in just about every sector and every occupation, just as it did in the 1930s. Also, if the problem was that many workers have the wrong skills or are in the wrong place, you’d expect workers with the right skills in the right place to be getting big wage increases; in reality, there are very few winners in the work force.

All of this strongly suggests that we’re suffering not from the teething pains of some kind of structural transition that must gradually run its course but rather from an overall lack of sufficient demand — the kind of lack that could and should be cured quickly with government programs designed to boost spending.

Or maybe the reason wages aren’t rising is that the “right” industries haven’t been invented since too many of our smarties are working on Wall Street and not in Silicon Valley. Arnold Kling on why Krugman’s story is wrong:

Modern Keynesians claim the problem is that businesses and consumers are not doing their part. Borrowing and spending is a tough job, the Keynesians say, but somebody has to do it, and that somebody should be the government.

Unfortunately, this view may not be correct. Instead, I believe that the process of creating employment is explained not by the theories of Keynes, but rather by the theories of Adam Smith and David Ricardo. … From the perspective of Smith and Ricardo, real jobs emerge in the context of patterns of sustainable specialization and trade.

Unfortunately, the patterns of specialization and trade that had emerged five years ago were not sustainable. Many jobs in home construction, durable-goods manufacturing and distribution, and mortgage finance were dependent on housing markets with ever-rising prices. In the U.S. and the U.K. in particular, the finance industry expanded well beyond its true economic value. Once the property bubbles burst, these jobs were exposed as not viable. Meanwhile, ongoing creative destruction brought about by the Internet and globalization have continued to allow substitution of capital and emerging-market labor for industrialized countries’ labor in many sectors. Together, these phenomena have caused widespread dislocation.

More government spending will not bring back the days when supposedly triple-A-rated mortgage securities could be fashioned out of dodgy loans to unqualified borrowers … The necessary adjustments can only be made by the decentralized efforts of entrepreneurs. … Entrepreneurs have to figure out ways to utilize resources that satisfy wants in an efficient way. The market mechanism first must undertake trial and error to create production processes that exploit comparative advantage. Until these new patterns of sustainable specialization and trade are discovered, there are no job slots.

From Education Week:

Fewer than one-third of American 8th graders are proficient in science, but most students are improving, and achievement gaps are closing between students who are black or Hispanic and their white peers, a special administration of the test known as “the nation’s report card” shows.

The National Assessment Governing Board released findings Thursday morning on earth, life, and physical sciences mastery on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, or NAEP. The average 8th grade score rose from 150 in 2009 to 152 last year; that’s a statistically significant increase, but still well below 170, science proficiency on the test’s 300-point scale.

Here is why I might be concerned about this study: Economic growth comes from productivity and productivity is driven by innovation and innovation is driven in large part by science and technology.

But do I care who is doing the innovating? Since the actual innovators capture very little of the economic value of their innovations, does it matter if the innovation comes from somewhere else? As long as we can take advantage of the innovation, missing out on the actual employment or profits from a company that creates some new TechWidget or process is mostly irrelevant, right? Let China spend billions on innovation. We can just draft off them, right?

Actually, I disagree with this. First of all, the direct jobs and profits are important. Second, Americans seem to be exceptionally innovative, so we shouldn’t assume if we become less so that someone else will pick up the slack and be as good at it as us. Third, if our workers are tech/sci stupid, they won’t be able to take full advantage of the innovations no matter where they are originally generated.

Marc A. Thiessen: “Sorry, Joe, most of Iran’s nuclear progress has come under Obama
Jonah Goldberg: “‘Money primary’
Thomas Donnelly: “Romney defense spending proposal a return to normal
Maseh Zarif: “Stop giving Iran a pass

Now, we all all know “austerity” from deep spending cuts (not the tax hikes, of course) is killing Europe’s economy and would do the same here in America, right?

Well, here’s a story about austerity that critics such as President Obama, Paul Krugman, and Ezra Klein never seem to mention: From 1944 to 1948, Uncle Sam cut spending by a whopping 75% as World War II came to end. Spending as a share of GDP plunged to 9% in 1948 from 44% in 1944.

Superstar economist and devout Keynesian Paul Samuelson—later to become the first American to win the Nobel Prize in economics—predicted such shock austerity would cause “the greatest period of unemployment and industrial dislocation which any economy has ever faced.” That dire, disastrous prediction was widely held by his fellow Keynesians, with one even predicting an “epidemic of violence.”

Except the doomsayers were wrong, even though Washington obviously ignored Samuelson’s call for gradual spending reductions. Despite cuts which dwarfed those seen in the EU today—not to mention those Republicans are calling for here at home—the U.S. economy thrived. There was no mass unemployment despite rapid demobilization of the armed forces. As George Mason University economist David Henderson explains is his 2010 paper, “The U.S. Postwar Miracle” (which this entire post draws upon):

As demobilization proceeded rapidly, employers in the private sector, full of the optimism … scooped up millions of the soldiers, sailors, and others who had been displaced from the armed forces and from military industries. … The number of unemployed people did increase, rising from 0.8 million to 2.3 million, but with a civilian labor force of 60.1 million, the 2.3 million unemployed people implied an unemployment rate of only 3.8 percent. As President Truman said, “This is probably close to the minimum unavoidable in a free economy of great mobility such as ours.

Of course, liberals are quick to point out the U.S. economy suffered its worst one-year downturn in history in 1946, a drop of 12%. To many Americans, it surely must have seemed like Samuelson was right, that the Great Depression had returned. But no one thought that back then, especially with jobs plentiful unlike during the 1930s. The drop in output was a statistical quirk caused by the removal of price controls. As Henderson explains:

For example, imagine that the free-market price of a pound of filet mignon during the war would have been $1.40 a pound. But imagine further that the government had set the price at $1.00 a pound. Then, when the price control was removed, the price would have shot to $1.40 a pound. Inflation statistics would have recorded some amount of inflation due to this large price increase. But those statistics would have overstated the real price increase because getting beef at $1.40 a pound is better for many of the people who couldn’t, because of the shortage, get it at $1.00 a pound.

Second, those sky-high output figures during the war measured government spending on goods and services, lots of it military hardware, at their cost. But what was all that stuff really worth, in purely economic terms, vs. post-war consumer purchases of homes and cars and nylon stockings? While total output fell by 12% in 1946, private-sector GDP rose by nearly 30%.

Or look at it this this way: Real U.S. output in 1947 was 17% higher than in 1941 despite the decline in government spending. Why was the economy prospering in way it never did during the Great Depression? Taxes were cut a little, and government interference—including price and production controls and rationing—was reduced a lot. But perhaps just as important, Truman dumped many of FDR’s most radical New Dealers. That change boosted business confidence, and companies started to invest again in America.

The typical Keynesian response mostly centers around dismissing the immediate post-war boom as a one-off event complicated by many unique factors. But it happened again, as Henderson notes! After the Cold War ended, overall federal spending fell to 18% of GDP in 2000 from 22% in 1991. But again the economy boomed. Real U.S. GDP grew by 40% with an average annual growth rate of 3.8%. Henderson speculates that perhaps the decline in defense spending freed up knowledge workers to help make technological miracles happen in the private economy.

The lesson here: Spending cuts might well produce prosperity instead of austerity, especially if accompanied by less government interference in the economy and less fear in the private sector of anti-market government policies.

Arthur Herman: “The FDR lesson Obama should follow
Mackenzie Eaglen: “Entitlement programs, not defense, the source of deficit crisis
Steven F. Hayward: “Barry Goldwater vindicated
Thomas P. Miller: “Health care: Real reform, not phony federalism
Sadanand Dhume and Julissa Milligan: “India’s broken schools, cloudy future
Mackenzie Eaglen: “Green Berets’ value is proven in war on drugs
Alex J. Pollock: “Heed a banking champion’s words on loan loss reserves
Roger Scruton: “Conservatism and climate
Sasha Gordon: “Al Qaeda in Yemen remains a threat

From The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise by Arthur Brooks, which was published on Tuesday:

In America, the road to serfdom doesn’t come from a knock in the night and a jackbooted thug. It comes from making one little compromise to the free market system after another. Each sounds sort of appealing. No single one is enough to bring down the system. But add them all up and here we are: 81 percent [of us] dissatisfied.

Glenn Kessler is “The Fact Checker” over at the Washington Post. In a new column, he targets this claim by Mitt Romney, in which the GOP presidential contender criticizes the Obama recovery: “We should be seeing numbers in the 500,000 jobs created per month. This is way, way, way off from what should happen in a normal recovery.”

Here is Kessler’s response:

The Great Recession was America’s worst economic downturn since the 1981-82 recession, which was really the second-stage of Long Recession that started in 1980. Unemployment rose as high as 10.8%. Why would Kessler compare the current recession to the far-less severe ones in the early 1990s and 2000s?

And how was job growth during the Reagan-era recovery after the 1980s downturn? In 1983, monthly job growth averaged 430,000 a month, if you take into account the U.S. population being a quarter bigger today than it was back then. And in 1984, monthly job growth averaged 484,000 a month, just a smidgen away from Romney’s 500,000 mark.

Given the current anemic recovery, the U.S. has a lot of catch up to do. With better policies—pro-growth policies—I think we could have a streak of job creation just as strong as the one Romney suggests. Time to retract those Pinocchios.

UPDATE: Oh, the good folks on Twitter just reminded me of this from April 2010 in the WaPo:

Vice President Biden predicted Friday at a Pennsylvania fundraiser that the U.S. economy would be adding up to 500,000 jobs each month “some time in the next couple of months.”

“All in all we’re going to be creating somewhere between 100[,000] and 200,000 jobs next month, I predict,” Biden said, according to a pool report, adding that he “got in trouble” for a job growth prediction last month. “Even some in the White House said, ‘Hey, don’t get ahead of yourself.’ Well, I’m here to tell you, some time in the next couple of months, we’re going to be creating between 250,000 jobs a month and 500,000 jobs a month.”

Reuters:

New claims for unemployment benefits edged down last week, according to government data on Thursday that could ease concerns the labor market was deteriorating after April’s weak employment growth.

Initial claims for state unemployment benefits slipped 1,000 to a seasonally adjusted 367,000, the Labor Department said. The prior week’s figure was revised up to 368,000 from the previously reported 365,000.

Economists polled by Reuters had forecast claims inching up to 369,000 last week. The four-week moving average for new claims, considered a better measure of labor market trends, fell 5,250 to 379,000.

Coming on the heels of April’s sluggish employment gains, the claims data could calm fears the labor market was stagnating.

Really, Reuters? I don’t think this calms anyone’s fears that the labor market is stagnating. Claims aren’t even back to where they were when the economy was slipping and sliding into the Great Recession. These numbers just aren’t what you would expect to see in a strong, healthy economy—which, of course, it isn’t. Also, banks are now downgrading their 1Q GDP estimates to below 2%. And 2Q might not be a whole heck of a lot better.

A nice reminder from Pew about the state of the U.S. labor market (H/T to NRO’s The Agenda):

 

Karlyn Bowman, Jennifer K. Marsico, and Andrew Rugg: “A new phase of the 2012 campaign
Arthur C. Brooks: “America and the value of ‘earned success’
Mackenzie Eaglen: “Sequestration is more likely than you think
Scott Gottlieb, M.D.: “The Obama health plan will squeeze the middle class
Jonah Goldberg: “Romney feeds the crocs
Norman J. Ornstein: “Shaky export-import bank deal no portent of process
Arthur Herman: “Why the death of Europe is America’s opportunity
John R. Bolton: “Dangerous fallout from China’s Chen affair
Katherine Zimmerman: “Al Qaeda’s Yemen-based affiliate is alive and well

From The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise by Arthur Brooks, which was published just yesterday:

What is free enterprise? It is the system of values and laws that respects private property and limits government, encourages competition and industry, celebrates achievement based on merit, and creates individual opportunity. Under free enterprise, people can pursue their own ends, and they reap the rewards and consequences, positive and negative, of their own actions. Free enterprise requires trust in markets to produce the most desirable outcomes for society. It is the opposite of statism, which is the belief that government is generally the best, fairest, and most trustworthy entity to distribute resources and coordinate our economic lives.

Amid all the nonsense being spewed by Paul Krugman and liberal anti-austerity crowed—which is really just a round-about way of attacking free enterprisers here at home—economic analyst Ed Yardeni makes terrific sense here:

The Europeans have had the best governments money can buy. Their elected leaders have provided them with all sorts of wonderful social welfare benefits. Many Europeans are employed by their governments to provide those benefits to their needy fellow citizens. Those who cannot find a job, or are too depressed to look for one, are provided with extremely generous unemployment benefits. Retirement benefits are great, and early retirement is the norm. Life has been very good in Europe.

Of course, that all costs lots of money. That’s why income tax rates are so high in Europe. On top of those rates, Europeans pay significant value-added taxes on the goods and services they buy. Yet there has been an ever-widening gap between government spending and revenues. That’s partly because Europeans have responded to their exorbitant tax rates with widespread tax avoidance.

The spending of European governments has ranged between 40% and 60% of GDP for many years. The revenues collected by these governments have ranged between 30% and 50%. The resulting deficits have led to rapidly rising ratios of government debt to GDP.

Attempts to bring back some fiscal sanity, led by Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel, are now widely caricatured as fiscal “austerity.” In my opinion, the only way to fix Europe is to slash government spending, reduce tax rates, enforce tax collection, and deregulate labor markets. Instead, enraged European voters are rising up against austerity and voting for the status quo. They haven’t indicated who they expect will pay the bills. However, they must be counting on either the Germans to pick up the tab or the ECB to implement more rounds of the LTRO.

European politicians who signed on to the “fiscal pact” promoted by Germany late last year are losing their jobs. Those favoring a “growth pact” are winning support, though they have no specific plan yet and certainly no way to finance it once it is specified. Also gaining support are various left- and right-wing fringe groups that tend to promote anarchy as the most effective way of overthrowing the established order and replacing it with their disorder.

Europe is at risk of devolving from an economic and monetary union into a disunion of failed states.

There is no secret formula to success here. Just less statism—meaning less regulation and lower tax rates—and more freedom. Of course, the current American government wants to follow the EU formula of raising taxes on investment, innovation, and entrepreneurship while increasing regulation on vast swaths of the economy. Europe’s present … our (near) future?

Arthur C. Brooks: “First, make the moral case for free enterprise
Sally Satel, M.D.: “Facebook’s organ donation success needs follow-up
Jon Entine: “Natural disasters: Who pays in the climate change era?
Shadow Financial Regulatory Committee: “Two cheers for the JOBS Act
John R. Bolton: “The meaning of Sunday’s European elections
Marc A. Thiessen: “10 burning questions for Obama’s secret terrorist release program
Katherine Zimmerman: “Al Shabaab in decline?

The Life of Julia cartoons produced by the Obama White House tell us many things. The least important of these is that Team Obama employs some very clever and capable graphic designers and web strategists. More important are the insights they give into how the world works inside the alternate reality that is the government-centered Obamaverse.

For instance:

1. Intentions matter, not results. As the “Julia at 3″ slide says: “Julia is enrolled in a Head Start program to help get her ready for school. Because of steps President Obama has taken to improve programs like this one, Julia joins thousands of students across the country who will start kindergarten ready to learn and succeed.”

Now here’s the Obama administration’s own evaluation of the program, which has cost more than $100 billion since its inception: “For 3-year-olds, there are few sustained benefits, although access to the program may lead to improved parent-child relationships through 1st grade.” But, hey, it’s the thought that counts, right?

2. Big Government is the fixer of problems, not the cause of problems. The cartoon makes frequent references to how Obamacare helps Julia at different stages of her fictional life. Yet government often causes unintended consequences that are conveniently ignored in the Obamaverse. For instance, several slides show how federal programs help Julia pay for college, ignoring the link between increased federal subsidies and exploding tuition costs. As economist Richard Vedder has noted, “Just as third-party payments in medicine have led to escalating health care costs, so increased student financial payments have contributed to soaring tuition costs.” But in the Obamaverse, it’s all about inputs — usually taxpayer money — not outputs — other than election results.

3. Big Government is your co-pilot in life. Many have remarked about the overall creepiness of the Julia vignettes. Family, church, and civil society seem to be missing, photoshopped from reality in the Obamaverse. It’s just you and Uncle Sam, sister. It’s almost as if those other mediating institutions are problems. I am reminded of this bit from Witness to Hope, the great George Weigel biography of Pope John Paul II. Of life in communist Poland, Weigel writes:

Perhaps the hardest-fought battle between Church and regime involved family life, for the communists understood that men and women secure in the love of their families were a danger. Housing, work schedules, and school hours were all organized by the state to separate parents from their children as frequently as possible. Apartments were constructed to accommodate only small families, so that children would be regarded as a problem. Work was organized in four shifts and families were rarely together. The workday began at 6 or 7 A.M., so children had to be consigned to state-run childcare centers before school. The schools themselves were consolidated and children were moved out of local communities for schooling. A permissive law was passed that regarded abortion as a means of birth control.

Indeed, Julia might identify herself in many ways, multiple ways. American. Christian. Entrepreneur. Consumer. Investor. Taxpayer. Mother. Daughter. But in the Obamaverse, she seems stuck in just one box: Government Dependent.

4. Big Government has no limits. Well, certainly no financial ones. Just as in the real universe, Obama ignores America’s impending debt disaster in his constructed reality. In the Obamaverse, apparently, Washington’s printing presses never overheat and higher taxes just make workers and entrepreneurs work harder to support the State they love so dearly.

All in all, The Life of Julia paints a picture of bigger, more intrusive government that somehow never breaks the bank or limits personal freedom and the pursuit of happiness. Sure explains a lot about how the president thinks the world is or dreams it soon to be.

When I glance over at the two sturdy Ikea bookcases in my home office, it’s easy for me to find the volumes that have most influenced me throughout my life; They’re the most beat-up looking ones, having been read and referred to countless times: A Conflict of Visions by Thomas Sowell, The Way the World Works by Jude Wanniski, The Seven Fat Years by Robert Bartley, Disturbing the Universe by Freeman Dyson, 1984 by George Orwell, and Mere Christianity by C. S. Lewis to name but a few.

Among the newer books sure to suffer plenty of similar abuse: Bourgeois Dignity by Deirdre McCloskey, The Rational Optimist by Matt Ridley, and The Enlightened Economy by Joel Mokyr.

And to that list you can now add The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise by Arthur Brooks, the president of the American Enterprise Institute. The slender, highly readable book–just out today!–provides an invaluable guide on how to make the argument that economic freedom makes us better morally, not just better off materially. As Brooks writes:

Materialistic arguments for free enterprise have been tried again and again. They have failed to stem the tide of big government.

There’s only one kind of argument that will shake people awake: a moral one. Free enterprise advocates need to build the moral case to remind Americans why the future of the nation is worth more to each of us than a few short-term government benefits. To get off the path to social democracy or long-term austerity, all of us who love freedom must be able to express what is written on our hearts about what our Founders struggled to give us, what the culture of free enterprise has brought to our lives, and about the opportunity society we want to leave our children.

One side has been making just the opposite argument, of course, and has had the field pretty much to itself. With The Road to Freedom, the battle is joined.

Danielle Pletka and Gary J. Schmitt: “Zzzzzzz, Hollande
Thomas Donnelly, Gary J. Schmitt and Mackenzie Eaglen: “Sequestration must be stopped
Christina Hoff Sommers: “The case against the Paycheck Fairness Act
Jon Entine: “DNA links prove Jews are a ‘race,’ says genetics expert
Leon Aron: “A Kremlin made of sand
Michael Barone: “Warren ancestry claim puts light on corrupt system
Roger F. Noriega: “Castro’s desperate warning
Sadanand Dhume: “Bangladesh is South Asia’s standard-bearer
Dan Blumenthal and Lara Crouch: “Friends like these

Now that the labor force participation rate is at its lowest level since 1981, it’s a good time to take another look at how the rising number of disabled Americans affects the official size of the workforce. Here are disturbing facts from Bloomberg:

– The number of workers receiving Social Security Disability Insurance jumped 22 percent to 8.7 million in April from 7.1 million in December 2007, Social Security data show.

– That helps explain as much as one quarter of the decline in the U.S. labor-force participation rate during the period, according to economists at JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Morgan Stanley.

– Disability recipients may account for as much as 0.5 percentage point of the more than 2 point drop since the end of 2007, the economists calculate, and that contribution could grow when some extended unemployment benefits expire at the end of this year.

– More than 99 percent of all SSDI beneficiaries remain in the program until retirement age, David Greenlaw, a managing director in New York at Morgan Stanley, wrote in a March research note, citing government data. The program provides an average of $1,111 in monthly income to eligible workers with a physical or mental impairment that will last at least 12 months or result in death, according to Social Security.

– The number of people collecting disability surged as the economy contracted, with the share of the U.S. population between the ages of 25 and 64 on SSDI climbing to a record-high 5.3 percent in March from 4.5 percent in 2007. Applications per 1,000 working-age people rose to 18 last year from 8 in 1990.

– The program spent $132 billion last year, more than twice as much as in 2000. Once the trust fund dries up, the program’s incoming revenue will be enough to cover only about 80 percent of scheduled benefits, the trustees said.

So more people are disabled and can’t work even as a) the overall health of Americans improves, and b) fewer and fewer jobs require a great deal of physical exertion?

Economists David Autor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Cambridge and Mark Duggan at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School in Philadelphia says SSDI “appears in practice to function like a nonemployability insurance program for a subset of beneficiaries. Also, less-stringent screening procedures, more attractive benefits and a waning need for less-skilled workers have bolstered SSDI rolls, they said. In addition, “difficult-to-verify disorders,” including muscle pain and mental illness, more easily qualify for SSDI under program reforms, Autor wrote in a 2011 paper.

Hmmmm …

The New York Times columnist today:

Before the Great Recession, I would sometimes give public lectures in which I would talk about rising inequality, making the point that the concentration of income at the top had reached levels not seen since 1929. Often, someone in the audience would ask whether this meant that another depression was imminent.

Well, whaddya know?

Did the rise of the 1 percent (or, better yet, the 0.01 percent) cause the Lesser Depression we’re now living through? It probably contributed.

I debunked this the other day, but here we go again. As economists Michael Bordo and Christopher Meissner contend in a new study (bold for emphasis):

Using data from a panel of 14 countries for over 120 years, we find strong evidence linking credit booms to banking crises, but no evidence that rising income concentration was a significant determinant of credit booms.

Narrative evidence on the US experience in the 1920s, and that of other countries in more recent decades, casts further doubt on the role of rising inequality. We do find significant evidence that rising real income and falling interest rates are important determinants of credit booms. … Credit booms heighten the probability of a banking crisis, but we find no evidence that a rise in top income shares leads to credit booms. Instead, low interest rates and economic expansions are the only two robust determinants of credit booms in our data set. Anecdotal evidence from US experience in the 1920s and in the years up to 2007 and from other countries does not support the inequality, credit, crisis nexus. Rather, it points back to a familiar boom-bust pattern of declines in interest rates, strong growth, rising credit, asset price booms and crises.

The negative and significant relationship of short-term interest rates and credit growth may also be consistent with the story of for example Taylor (2009) or Meltzer (2010) who attribute the U.S. housing boom to expansionary policy by the Federal Reserve in the early 2000s in an attempt to prevent perceived deflation.

As I have been pointing out, the plunging labor force participation rate has been distorting the true picture of the labor market. But economist Mike Darda of MKM Partners has a way of getting around the demographic issue by only focusing on folks during (what should be) the prime of their working life:

One of our favorite measures is the employment-to-population (E/P) ratio for prime-aged adults (25-54), which is not adulterated by labor force dropouts or demographic trends, both of which can, and have, disturbed the unemployment rate. In April, the prime-aged E/P ratio slipped to 75.7 from 75.8. However, this ratio is up 0.9 percentage points in the last six months and 0.6 percentage points in the last 12 months. With the pre-crisis average close to 80, the current pace of improvement would equate to the achievement of a full employment level sometime between 2016 and 2019. It may take even longer for other measures of labor market slack to return to normal, such as the median duration of unemployment and the fraction of workers unemployed for 26 weeks or longer.

More evidence that America isn’t working.


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