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Putin’s class warfare

By Daniel Vajdic

February 22, 2012, 10:56 am

The exploitation of socioeconomic differences for political ends isn’t limited to the United States these days. Russia’s de facto ruler of 12 years, Vladimir Putin, seems to be shifting his electoral strategy a few weeks before the country’s presidential vote. Last month, Putin offered Russia’s restless urban middle class “an invitation to dialogue.” He said that the “economy must be built in a way that citizens with high education and aspirations can find a worthy place in it.” And Putin’s election program devotes plenty of attention to “modernization”—a mantra throughout Dmitry Medvedev’s feeble presidency—and various “entrepreneurial freedoms.”

At the same time, he warned that “a recurring problem in Russian history is the desire of part of the elite to take a leap towards a revolution, rather than work for sequential development.” But Putin’s definition of the elite has changed since Russia’s wave of massive protests began in December, and now extends well beyond the Moscow intelligentsia. To Putin, the elite includes an ungrateful middle class whose living standards rose substantially during the economic expansion that preceded the financial crisis—which Putin attributes to the “stability” of his “managed democracy” rather than oil and natural gas windfalls.

However, what last month seemed like Putin’s effort to placate the middle class has recently given way to an almost exclusive emphasis on the consolidation of his low-income base. These factory employees, farmers, and other blue collar workers spend much of their leisure time watching state television, where news programs depict the anti-Putin protesters as privileged urban elites.

But Putin’s attempts to galvanize support by dividing the country won’t boost his legitimacy, nor will it help him return to the Kremlin under free and fair conditions. Class warfare isn’t a winning strategy. It can’t succeed in Russia and it certainly can’t succeed here at home.

Obama trusts foreign and unaccountable bureaucrats more than transparent U.S. entities.

Last week, the White House announced its proposed budget for FY 2013′s global health expenditure, set to begin on October 1. The headline is a reduction in funding of 3.5 percent, or $310.4m ($8,826.5m FY2012, $8,516.1m FY 2013). While no doubt conservatives in Congress will want the budget cut further, they should also challenge the priorities in this budget.

The budget for the U.S. malaria program is to be cut by 4.8 percent, and the tuberculosis program by 10 percent. Yet the former is the best-performing U.S. health program, and the latter its most underfunded. At the same time as these U.S. programs are cut, multilateral initiatives such as the vaccine alliance (GAVI) and the Global Fund have their budgets increase by a staggering 45 percent and 27 percent respectively. Both are good initiatives but both, especially the latter, have problems.

As I have pointed out on numerous occasions, the Fund is working with unaccountable, corrupt, and inefficient United Nations bureaucrats and continues to work with corrupt nations (something the U.S. malaria and TB programs do not), even after they are exposed as such. As other nations withheld money from the Fund last year due to corruption allegations, and the Fund’s head was forced out because his decisions were to be subjected to better scrutiny, Obama decides to increase U.S. taxpayer support.

One wonders what those working in the U.S. malaria program must think when their stellar work is rewarded with cuts, while corrupt multilaterals get more funding. European leaders may publicly applaud Obama’s support of these multilateral initiatives, but secretly they’ll be pleased that Obama is bailing them out.

Conservatives in Congress should demand no increase in the budget to the Global Fund (and a 50 percent cut if Global Fund doesn’t properly address the corruption problems), rather than the increase Obama proposes.

Congressional conservatives should also, as a sign of their desire to assist the less fortunate, demand the reinstatement of the U.S. government’s desired malaria budget and an increase in the TB budget. They can do this, save more lives, and cut the budget more than Obama proposes.

Here’s what AEI’s foreign and defense policy scholars are reading for the week of February 11-17:

Michael V. Rienzi at SmallWarsJournal.com outlines Iran’s Likely Response to a U.S. Attack.

Jonathan S. Tobin at CommentaryMagazine.com asks Is There Really a Consensus Against Iran Containment?

Trevor Houser at The Peterson Institute for International Economics blog reports that Iran’s Food Supply Gets Pinched.

The Wall Street Journal editorial board explains how Delhi is turning out to be the mullahs’ last best friend in Iran’s Indian Enablers.

Adam Kredo at FreeBeacon.com reports on how a progressive anti-nuclear foundation is spending millions to shift the debate on Iran’s nuclear program away from military action and toward accepting Tehran as a nuclear power Public Radio Pay to Play.

Tom Joscelyn at LongWarJournal.org reports on the latest revelations from the Treasury Department that Iranian intelligence is supporting al Qaeda.

Paul Cruickshank, Nic Robertson, and Tim Lister at CNN.com’s Security Clearance blog report on Ibrahim al-Asiri, al Qaeda’s chief bomb-maker, in Al Qaeda’s biggest threat.

Praveen Swami in TheHindu.com writes on the Prospects of Pakistan’s Islamist resurgence.

Noah Schactman at Wired.com reports that Darpa Dodges the Obama Budget Death Ray, Keeps Its $2.8 Billion.

Justin Vaisse at ForeignPolicy.com reports that The Sick Man of Europe Is … Europe.

Also at ForeignPolicy.com David Yang reports that China has caught Lin-sanity.

Walter Russell Mead at the-american-interest.com reports that the Hamas Leadership Is On Speed Dating Circuit.

Finally (and not from the Onion) Seth Robson at StarsandStripes.com reveals that the Army Orders Soldiers to Wear Fake Breasts and ‘Empathy’ Bellies.

 

So, you want to know what Afghans really think about the Obama administration’s decision to accelerate the drawdown of American combat troops in Afghanistan? Well, you could conduct a poll, or you could send a reporter around to interview villagers in various parts of the country—or you could, as we say, “follow the money.”

And where is the money going? According to a recent story in Reuters, the country’s hard currency is in flight, with more and more Afghans moving assets out of their country, worried that the government will not be prepared to take over responsibility for the country’s security along the timeline the administration is now insisting on, and because the administration is also willing, it appears, to cut a deal with the Taliban to allow it back into the country. Uncertainty is also reflected in the drop of housing prices. According to one developer, just a few months ago, a flat in Kabul “cost around $220,000, but it now costs around $140,000.”

Afghans are not fleeing the country just yet. But, if the Reuters story is accurate, many of the country’s educated and elite are starting to pack their bags.

AQI making inroads … in Syria

By Daniel DePetris

February 16, 2012, 8:22 am

As the United States and its allies attempt to tighten the screws on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) is eager to take advantage of the conflict.

Apart from a few mass casualty attacks on Iraqi Shia pilgrims, AQI has been largely absent from media coverage—at least compared to six years ago, when the terror group captured headlines nearly every day. Yet a degraded terrorist organization does not mean a defeated one, as Iraq’s Shia community can attest. Now it appears Al Qaeda’s associates in Iraq are trying to branch out into neighboring Syria, where the continuing conflict makes fertile ground for an Al Qaeda franchise.

According to several U.S. intelligence analysts who recently spoke to McClatchy, AQI commanders—with the blessing of Ayman al-Zawahiri himself—are making a desperate attempt to take advantage of Syria’s internal unrest by infiltrating the opposition and turning the conflict into another front in the global jihad.

Iraq’s deputy interior minister, Adnan al-Assadi, supported this claim with his own assessment in AFP. “We have intelligence information that a number of Iraqi jihadists went to Syria.”

All of these remarks, while not incontrovertible evidence, should nevertheless be taken seriously, for Al Qaeda continues to prove that it can be versatile and adaptive when backed into a corner. Just ask the interim leaders of Yemen and Libya, where the organization is either consolidating its control over territory (Yemen) or is seeking to influence the post-conflict transition (Libya).

With Ayman al-Zawahiri’s latest announcement of support for the anti-Assad opposition, we may very well be witnessing yet another attempt by Al Qaeda to exploit a significant chapter of Arab history for its own purposes.

Daniel R. DePetris is an intern in foreign and defense policy at AEI.

Earlier this month, Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper told Congress that “Iranian officials” at the highest levels “are now more willing to conduct an attack in the United States….” The next logical question is, “What is that hostile regime doing with the support of its trusted allies very close to our borders?”

Tomorrow morning, Senator Bob Menendez (D-New Jersey) will initiate an inquiry into Iran’s activities in Latin America at a 10a.m. hearing of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I am honored to have the opportunity to share my views on this troubling phenomenon and to make recommendations on an appropriate response. My observations are based on AEI’s ongoing project to monitor and expose Iran’s dramatic push into our neighborhood during the last seven years.

My testimony will review some startling findings about the clandestine network that Iran is building in Latin America with the support of Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chávez, which represents a clear and present danger to U.S. security and interests. By aiding Iran’s evasion of international sanctions and search for uranium, Chávez and other regional despots are abetting Teheran’s rogue nuclear program. And wherever Iran goes, Hezbollah is not far behind. I will expose the growing presence of two terrorist networks—one a home-grown Venezuelan clan and another cultivated by a notorious agent of Iran’s Qods Force—that proselytize, fund-raise, recruit, and train operatives on behalf of Iran and Hezbollah in many countries in the Americas.

The dangerous activities of Iran and Hezbollah so near our borders demand a whole-of-government strategy, beginning with an inter-agency review to understand and assess the transnational, multifaceted nature of the problem; educate friendly governments; and insist on inspection of suspicious operations and military compounds. Our government must be prepared to implement effective measures—unilaterally and with willing partners—to disrupt and dismantle illicit operations and neutralize unacceptable threats.

CNN reports this morning:

Military commission charges have been sworn against Majid Shoukat Khan, a Pakistani national who lived in the United States from 1996 to early 2002 who is suspected of helping al Qaeda plan attacks in the United States and elsewhere, the Defense Department said Tuesday.

He is charged with conspiracy, murder and attempted murder in violation of the law of war, providing material support for terrorism, and spying. If convicted, he faces a maximum penalty of life in prison.

Khan is no ordinary terrorist. It was Khan who provided the CIA with the critical intelligence that helped them break up a network of Southeast Asian terrorists that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM) had recruited to carry out the “second wave” of attacks in the United States—a plot to hijack an airplane and fly it into the tallest building on the West Coast, the Library Tower in Los Angeles. Here is how he did so:

After Khan was captured and taken into CIA custody, KSM told his CIA de-briefers that he had assigned Khan to deliver $50,000 to an individual working for a senior JI terrorist. CIA officials went to Khan’s cell and confronted him with this information from KSM. Khan confirmed KSM’s account and provided additional information—telling them that he had delivered the money to a JI operative named Zubair. Khan then provided both a physical description and a contact number for Zubair. This was a vital breakthrough. The contact number not only gave officials the ability to track down and capture Zubair—it also gave the National Security Agency the opportunity to begin using signals intelligence to track the entire JI network behind the plot.

Thanks to the information Majid Khan provided, Zubair was captured in June 2003 and taken into CIA custody. Under questioning, Zubair revealed that he worked directly for Hambali—KSM’s partner in the West Coast Plot—and provided information that was used to track down and capture Hambali in August 2003. Hambali was taken into custody along with another key player in the West Coast Plot—a terrorist named Bashir bin Lap (a.k.a. “Lillie”) who, according to the office of the director of national intelligence, “was slated to be a suicide operative for an al Qaeda ‘second wave’ attack targeting Los Angeles.”

Agency officials informed KSM that both Lillie and Hambali has been captured and confronted him with detailed questions from their debriefings. When confronted with this information, KSM finally provided more specific information on al Qaeda’s operational plans with JI, and the identities of JI operatives.

KSM provided information that helped lead to the capture of Hambali’s younger brother, Rusman Gunawan (a.k.a.“Gun Gun”), whom KSM identified as the leader of the JI cell that was to carry out the West Coast plot. Once in custody, Gun Gun then identified a previously unknown cell of JI operatives—the Ghuraba Cell—that was hiding out in Karachi, Pakistan, awaiting orders. When confronted with his brother’s revelations, Hambali gave us information that, together with intelligence from Gun Gun, led to the capture of more than a dozen members of this cell. Hambali then admitted that he was grooming members of the cell as pilots, at KSM’s request, for an aircraft attack in the United States against the tallest building on the West Coast.

The disruption of the Hambali network shows not only the effectiveness, but the unique value of the CIA detention and interrogation program. It was only because KSM and other captured terrorists were held together in secret prisons that CIA officials were able to “triangulate” the detainees—using information from one to elicit more information from others, and ultimately to track members of the Hambali network and unravel the plot.

As the United States prepares to try Majid Khan by military commission, it is worth reflecting on how the information the CIA elicited from him saved lives—and the fact that, thanks to the Obama administration, the United States no longer has this capability.

Mackenzie has a great post explaining how the Obama administration is slashing defense spending to fund domestic spending—including a 50 percent increase in the transportation budget. As she correctly notes, “President Obama’s latest defense budget proposal does not adequately resource the military’s new defense strategy, making the military’s intended emphasis on the Asia-Pacific a ‘paper pivot.’”

To underscore the point, while the president guts the Pentagon, China’s defense budget is headed in the opposite direction. This morning, the Wall Street Journal’s China Real Time Report has the wonderful news that Beijing is doubling its defense spending over the next three years:

China’s defense budget will double by 2015, making it more than the rest of the Asia Pacific region’s combined, according to a report from IHS Jane’s, a global think tank specializing in security issues.

Beijing’s military spending will reach $238.2 billion in 2015, compared with $232.5 billion for rest of the region, according to the report. That would also be almost four times the expected defense budget of Japan, the next biggest in the region, in 2015, the report said….

China says its defense budget for 2011 increased by 12.7 percent to about $91.5 billion, but many defense experts believe its real military spending is much higher.

IHS Jane’s put the figure for 2011 at $119.8 billion, and predicted it would increase by an average of 18.75 percent annually until 2015.

“China’s investment will race ahead at an eye watering 18.75 percent, leaving Japan and India far behind,” said Paul Burton, senior principal analyst of IHS Jane’s Defence Budgets….

Responding to the report, the Global Times, a nationalist tabloid published by the Communist Party mouthpiece People’s Daily, did not dispute IHS Jane’s projections but warned against Western powers “with an axe to grind” using China’s military budget to promote the idea of a China threat.

As China’s military grows—particularly the size and reach of its surface fleet—it is becoming more assertive of its territorial claims in the East and South China seas. Beijing is also becoming more aggressive in challenging U.S. reconnaissance flights along its coast—increasing the likelihood of another EP-3 incident like the one that greeted President Bush shortly after he took office in 2001. And China will become even more aggressive as its confidence and capabilities grow with these new military spending increases. If the Obama administration is really serious about its pivot to Asia, it needs to resource our Pacific forces accordingly. In his speech in Canberra last fall, President Obama said the United States is “all in” in the Asia Pacific. Gutting the defense budget is no way to show it.

It is perhaps fitting that Xi Jinping, China’s current vice president and likely next paramount leader, is in Washington on Valentine’s Day for meetings with President Obama and Vice President Biden. It’s an opportunity for Washington and Beijing to rekindle (or maybe simply kindle?) the romance in what is clearly a loveless marriage. While the two depend on each other to maintain a certain comfortable standard of living, the relationship is otherwise devoid of mutual affection. China is constantly using the silent treatment to punish the United States for some perceived offense or another. The United States, meanwhile, snipes at China over annoying habits that Beijing has no intention of modifying—like holding the value of its currency artificially low or throwing dissidents in jail. When the jilted lovers do speak, they either talk past each other or take their fights to very public fora—like the United Nations Security Council. The kids (South Korea, Japan, and other Asian countries) are increasingly worried about a messy divorce.

It is with the Sino-American relationship in such a state of turmoil that Xi Jinping arrives in the United States. And, in all seriousness, his visit is important; relationships between leaders can affect the course their countries chart together—or apart. For example, George W. Bush’s positive relationship with Junichiro Koizumi helped the U.S.-Japan alliance reach new heights. On the other hand, President Obama’s sour relationship with Benjamin Netanyahu exacerbates tensions that stem from divergent U.S. and Israeli policy positions. So it is important that America’s leaders get to know their future Chinese counterparts.

Unfortunately, friendliness at the top—or lack thereof—will not make or break a constructive Sino-American relationship. As my colleague Dan Blumenthal argues, “the limitations of one-on-one diplomacy mean that real strategy is needed to tie the ends of policy with the means of the relationship.” If the Obama administration cannot construct an effective strategy for dealing with China, then President Obama and Vice President Biden’s relationships with Xi Jinping will not much affect things one way or the other. But strategy-making is a difficult art and one that all presidential administrations struggle to master.

In the meantime, Obama and Biden can get things off on the right foot with Xi—by being honest and clear about both where U.S.-Chinese interests converge and where they differ. This won’t make for warm and fuzzy feelings, but it will set realistic expectations about what shape the bilateral relationship can take. Romance, unfortunately, will just have to wait for another day.

Followers of cancer-stricken strongman Hugo Chávez are stunned after nearly 3 million Venezuelans voted Sunday to select a unity candidate to compete in presidential elections scheduled for October. Venezuelan democrats are unified and optimistic today, but Chávez and his henchmen already have made their moves to hold on to power at all costs. If the opposition has any real hope of defeating Chavismo, they will have to be prepared for dirty tricks, provocations, and even a narco-coup in the months ahead.

Miranda Governor Henrique Capriles Radonski won the opposition primary with over 60 percent of the vote, after a spirited competition that included Zulia Governor Pablo Perez (29 percent) and civic leader Maria Corina Machado (3.5 percent). Though not quite 40 years old, Capriles is a seasoned and tough politician who enjoys great popularity even among the Chávista followers in his state of Miranda. Capriles campaigned frequently in the working class neighborhoods that form Chávez’s political base.

In his second-place effort, Perez carried the opposition’s message to the very poor voters that, until now, have literally been ignored by the old thinkers who have led the opposition for the last decade. With all of the candidates expected to close ranks around Capriles, the democratic opposition is united like never before and preparing for an eight-month campaign.

An invigorated opposition is more bad news for Chavismo in this volatile election year. Spiraling crime rates, energy shortages, food insecurity, and a shattered economy give the opposition its best chance ever of out-polling Chávez. If Chávez dies or falters significantly before the October election, his inner circle will have to face the unthinkable prospect of losing power and being held accountable for its abuses of power, corruption, and criminality.

In recent months, Chavista hard-liners have been maneuvering to ensure that they will never relinquish power. In January, Chávez surprised many by sidelining his popular foreign minister, Nicolas Maduro, and promoting former military comrade Diosdado Cabello to be head of the ruling socialist party and the National Assembly. Even more telling, General Henry Rangel Silva was named minister of defense last month, despite his notorious reputation as a drug-trafficking ally of the narco-guerrillas in neighboring Colombia.

Rangel Silva, former intelligence chief Hugo Carvajal, and Army General Cliver Alcala are among the many Chavista officials who have been sanctioned by U.S. authorities for their involvement in drug trafficking. Because they fear the relentless pursuit of U.S. authorities, they are determined to remain in power—even if that means scuttling or ignoring the results of elections this fall.

If the Chavistas were contemplating an electoral scenario once Chávez dies, they would have opted for keeping the more charismatic Maduro as a possible successor. The promotion of the bland but ruthless Cabello demonstrates that appealing to voters is far less important than reassuring the narco-generals who have quietly seized control of Venezuela. Although Cabello has yet to be cited by U.S. authorities as a narcotrafficker, he has amassed a vast fortune through official corruption. So, his corrupt military comrades are confident that he will thwart an opposition takeover by any means necessary.

The timing and tactics will depend on the pace of Chávez’s physical deterioration. The latest details conveyed to me by persons knowledgeable of his condition indicate that Chávez’s cancerous cell count has yet to be reduced after months of treatment, and he has developed another cancerous tumor in his colon that requires urgent surgery. His condition has worsened because he refuses routine care and examinations in order to maintain a public profile. Indeed, the hard-driving leader has turned to the use of cocaine to maintain his energy. As a result, there is a good chance that Chávez will not live long enough to appear on the October ballot.

In other words, the real test for candidate Capriles and the opposition may come sooner than they expect. Chávez and his followers have made clear by the appointment of Cabello and Rangel Silva that they have no intention of surrendering power. If they try to provoke a crisis or to cancel the elections, chaos may ensue. In that hour, the toughness of Capriles, the other opposition leaders, and Venezuelan civilian society will be severely tested.

Although the opposition is determined to keep its distance from Washington, the fact remains that they will require substantial international solidarity—particularly from Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Peru, Spain, the United States, and other countries—to hold Chávez’s cronies accountable. The opposition cannot wait until the chaos descends upon them to begin cultivating such support. And Washington has to wake up to the dangerous plotting of a narco-coup in Venezuela.

President Obama sent an annual budget request to Capitol Hill today that does little to reduce the deficit but dramatically cuts military spending anyway. Even though last year’s debt ceiling deal was supposedly agreed to in order to reduce America’s crushing debt burden, Obama is apparently planning to use half of the cuts in war spending to “help finance a major six-year, 50 percent increase in transportation spending.”

Defense cuts in the name of debt reduction are really for increased domestic spending. This is not a surprise. Last summer, President Obama made his priorities clear: social spending trumps national security. “A lot of the spending cuts that we’re making should be around areas like defense spending as opposed to food stamps,” he told NPR. He went on to say last summer during his Twitter town hall that “the nice thing about the defense budget is it’s so big … that you can make relatively modest changes to defense that end up giving you a lot of head room to fund things like basic research or student loans or things like that.”

Within the defense budget, the administration’s talking points sound good but the numbers just don’t add up. Modernization spending is taking the biggest budget hit despite the urgent need for modernization across the U.S. military. President Obama’s 2013 budget proposes cutting $45 billion from last year’s budget request, with nearly $19 billion coming from procurement alone. This account, which the Pentagon uses to buy everything from IT services to weapons systems, is bearing a disproportionate burden of defense cuts. Procurement only comprises roughly one-fifth of the defense budget but it will cough up almost 42 percent to meet the defense budget cut targets.

President Obama’s latest defense budget proposal does not adequately resource the military’s new defense strategy, making the military’s intended emphasis on the Asia-Pacific a “paper pivot.” The president is proposing to retire massive numbers of ships and aircraft before the end of their service lives at a time when numbers matter because the demand for U.S. presence abroad is not declining.

The president also wants to slash the active-duty Army and Marine Corps by 100,000 soldiers and Marines while leaving the entire Department of Defense civilian workforce of over 750,000 people intact. The president is requesting a fresh round of base closures in the U.S. The falling defense budget will also reduce America’s manufacturing workforce that build ships, vehicles, and aircraft–many of which are small businesses. Finally, the National Guard is taking a big hit in nearly all 50 states even as the Pentagon’s new strategy calls for an increased reliance on these very forces as the active military shrinks.

President Obama’s budget cuts the U.S. military while asking those in uniform to accept more risk in their jobs and providing fewer resources to fulfill their missions. Congress should reject these proposals as going too far for too few and pass a budget resolution that adds additional resources to properly fund military readiness and modernization.

Orwellian doublespeak is alive and well and living in Europe. Today, seemingly oblivious to an Athens in flames, Ohli Rehn, the European Union’s Economic and Monetary Affairs Commissioner, sternly warns Greece that “disastrous consequences would follow if Greece did not avoid a disorderly default.” And he does so with the intent of bullying Greece into continuing to hew the misguided policy line of its IMF-EU taskmasters that has brought Greece to its present terrible socio-economic pass.

Apparently, nobody seems to have informed Rehn that Greece’s economy is already in a state of collapse. Over the past year, Greece’s manufacturing output has declined by 18 percent while its youth unemployment is now around 50 percent. Nor does it seem that anyone has explained to Rehn that this collapse has occurred as the direct result of IMF-imposed hair-shirt fiscal austerity within a euro straitjacket that precludes currency devaluation as a means to promote the Greek external sector. And it seems to have escaped Rehn’s notice that Greece is rapidly moving to a state of becoming politically ungovernable as a direct consequence of the economic hardship that it has been forced to endure.

As if to add insult to injury, the IMF and EU are now prescribing to Greece even more of the stiff medicine that has brought the Greek economy to this painful pass and that will guarantee Greece a lost economic decade. Little wonder then that the Archbishop of the Greek Orthodox Church has been warning Europe of a social explosion in his country.

And, again, nobody seems to have informed Rehn that Greece is already well into the process of a disorderly default on its debt. For Greece is using the legislative threat of retroactive collection clauses to get its private sector creditors to “voluntarily” accept a 70 percent write down in the present value of their Greek sovereign debt holdings. Someone might inform Rehn that this is very little different from Argentina’s take it or leave it offer to its private creditors in 2005, which involved a 72 percent write off of its debt and which was widely regarded as a disorderly default.

An even more pernicious form of European doublespeak is that Greece is but a special case and that what is occurring in Greece could not happen elsewhere in Europe. Maybe someone should inform Rehn that Portugal is going down the very same road as did Greece and that it will be no more successful than was Greece in restoring fiscal sustainability by engaging in draconian budget austerity within the constraint of euro membership.

Sadanand Dhume

India’s Iran folly

By Sadanand Dhume

February 13, 2012, 11:26 am

Today’s bombing of an Israeli diplomat’s car in New Delhi is sure to raise international scrutiny on India’s problematic ties with Iran. According to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Iran was behind the bombing outside the heavily guarded Israeli embassy—a stone’s throw from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s house—that injured the Israeli defense attache’s wife. If proven, the attack will cast a shadow on U.S.-India relations as well.

Even before the most recent incident, U.S.-India relations appeared to be heading toward a train wreck. At any rate, the odds ratcheted up last week as New Delhi signaled its determination to offer Tehran a lifeline as it battles U.S. and European sanctions. India intends to sidestep the sanctions by using a combination of rupees and barter to pay for Iranian oil imports. And on Thursday, adding insult to Western injury, India’s commerce secretary announced that a trade delegation would soon head to Iran to explore fresh opportunities as other countries retreat from its toxic economy.

While India lacks the capacity to single-handedly prop up Iran, its actions nonetheless send exactly the wrong message at a delicate moment in the international community’s effort to thwart Tehran’s rogue nuclear program. India recently overtook China as the world’s largest importer of Iranian oil. And the mullahs’ propaganda machine has quickly exploited supportive noises emanating from New Delhi to argue that they are not as isolated as they seem.

To be fair, as I pointed out in my most recent WSJ column, India has genuine reasons to seek friendly relations with Iran—chiefly oil, access to Central Asia, and a common stake in preventing a Pakistan-backed Taliban comeback in Afghanistan.

But by thumbing their noses at Washington in the face of its most pressing security challenge, the mandarins who run Indian foreign policy risk destroying goodwill painstakingly built over a decade by well-wishers of the relationship in both countries. The long term costs for India of a West that’s suspicious rather than enthusiastic about its rise are inestimably greater than the short term benefits of playing footsie with Iran.

Some well regarded Indian strategic thinkers argue that India should act as a bridge between the United States and Iran. But if this hasn’t happened over the past 10 years, it’s hardly realistic to pursue it in the midst of the current crisis. Instead of mistakenly believing that it can paper over differences with Washington, or (somewhat fantastically) get the entire Western world to suddenly see the revolutionary regime in Tehran in a kinder light, India should arrange for alternative oil supplies and join the international community in putting the squeeze on Iran. For its part, the Obama administration needs to make it clear that this—unlike disagreements over fighter aircraft purchases or commercial access for U.S. firms to India’s nuclear market—is much more serious than a mere spat between friends.

For India, the Iranian threat doesn’t rise to the level of Pakistan. Nonetheless, a nuclear-weapons-free Middle East, and one less country in the world bankrolling revolutionary Islamist terrorism, are both self-evidently in India’s interest. Reviving an old image of itself as a nation invariably at odds with the West despite ostensibly professing the same values is decidedly not. This is true regardless of who turns out to be behind today’s attack in New Delhi.

Exaggerating China’s economic power

By James Pethokoukis

February 13, 2012, 11:00 am

 

Is America still the planet’s dominant economy? Most Americans don’t think so. A bit more than half, according to Gallup, think China is numero uno. Younger Americans, especially, have their doubts about Team USA. Of those age 18-29, 62 percent think China has taken the lead. And looking ahead, 46 percent of Americans think China will be the world’s leading economic power in 20 years vs. 38 percent picking the home team. But as this great compilation of economic data, via the Heritage Foundation, shows, China still lags the United States in some key categories:

I guess the stat that jumps out at me is per capita GDP. The United States is still either 12 or 6 times as wealthy as China, depending on which measure you use. Now, one is tempted to extrapolate China’s current growth rates into the future. But there is evidence that fast-growing emerging economies hit a wall and slow down dramatically:

Using international data starting in 1957, we construct a sample of cases where fast-growing economies slow down. The evidence suggests that rapidly growing economies slow down significantly, in the sense that the growth rate downshifts by at least 2 percentage points, when their per capita incomes reach around $17,000 US in year-2005 constant international prices, a level that China should achieve by or soon after 2015. Among our more provocative findings is that growth slowdowns are more likely in countries that maintain undervalued real exchange rates. …

Growth slowdowns, in a nutshell, are productivity growth slowdowns. 85 per cent of the slowdown in the rate of growth of output is explained by the slowdown in the rate of TFP growth. The intuition for this is straightforward. Slowdowns coincide with the point in the growth process where it is no longer possible to boost productivity by shifting additional workers from agriculture to industry and where the gains from importing foreign technology diminish. But the sharpness and extent of the fall in TFP growth from unusually high levels of 3-plus per cent to virtually zero is striking.

Will China avoid that trap? As the study indicates, the answer will depend on China’s ability to boost productivity through innovation. And for that to happen, China may have to loosen the reigns on its state capitalist model and be willing to expose its economy to greater foreign competition. Here is Ian Bremmer on China’s state capitalist model:

State capitalism has crucial weaknesses. First, the primary purpose of this system is not to produce wealth but to ensure that wealth creation does not threaten the ruling elite’s political power. Forced to choose between public prosperity and their own security, state capitalists will tighten their grip every time. …

Second, there is “creative destruction”, a process that invests liberal capitalism with a self-regenerating dynamism. As industries die, the workers, resources and ideas that once sustained them are freed to recombine in new forms that then produce new goods and services that meet the evolving wants and needs of consumers. … Those who administer state capitalism fear creative destruction—for the same reason they fear all other forms of destruction that they cannot control. …

Nor is a state-capitalist system well equipped to inspire innovation. To compete globally, Chinese leaders know they must continue to push their economy up the value chain with development of new-generation information, energy, bioscience and bioengineering technologies. Government-directed investment can play an important role, but over the longer term, state officials cannot value assets and allocate resources as efficiently as market forces can. …

Here’s what AEI’s foreign and defense policy scholars are reading for the week of February 4-10:

Glenn Greenwald at Salon.com has a conniption when he learns that a majority of liberals and Democrats support keeping Guantanamo open and drone strikes against Americans who join al Qaeda in Repulsive progressive hypocrisy.

Tom Joscelyn and Bill Roggio at LongWarJournal.org detail al-Shabab’s longstanding ties to al Qaeda in Shabaab formally joins al Qaeda.

Also at LongWarJournal.org, Bill Roggio reports on the execution of Abu Talha, a senior al Qaeda in Iraq leader and close aid to the late Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi, in Iraq executes Zarqawi aide.

Jonathan Tobin at CommentaryMagazine.com puts Israel’s use of the MEK to undermine the Iranian nuclear program in historical context in Israel’s Iranian Allies of Convenience.

Elaine Donnelly at NationalReview.com on the Pentagon’s decision to put women in combat in Pentagon Misplaces Priorities on Women in Land Combat.

Walter Russell Mead at the-american-interest.com’s ViaMeadia blog reports that the Saudis promise to keep oil prices under $100 a barrel in the event of a strike on Iran’s nuclear program in Saudis Sing It Too: Bomb Bomb Iran.

Jamey Keaton at ArmyTimes.com reports that cheese-eating surrender monkeys are opposed to attacking Iran (well, that’s not exactly how he put it, but you get the point) in Sarkozy advises against military strike on Iran.

Spencer Ackerman at Wired.com’s Danger Room blog reports how Secretive SEALs Moonlight as Movie Stars (with video).

And Joshua Keating at ForeignPolicy.com has the video of a North Korean accordion quartet’s performance of a-ha’s 80’s hit “Take on me”

The 6 killer apps of Western Civilization, Part 2: Science

By Henrik Temp

February 10, 2012, 10:10 am

See part 1, Competition, here.

Why was Western civilization able to achieve dominance over the rest of humanity for the last several hundred years? That’s the subject of British historian Niall Ferguson’s excellent TED talk, in addition to his book Civilization: the West and the Rest.

Basically, he says it comes down to six key characteristics that defined the West but not the Rest—to put it in 21st century terms, six “killer applications” that the West had and the Rest didn’t. In this space I’d like to examine the status of these killer apps in modern America.

Today, I’m focusing on the second killer app: Science. Here’s Ferguson’s short definition:

Science – a way of studying, understanding and ultimately changing the natural world, which gave the West (among other things) a major military advantage over the Rest.

Note Ferguson’s emphasis on the military application of scientific advancement. While the new knowledge gained during the Scientific Revolution “may be said to have given birth to modern anatomy, astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, geometry, mathematics, mechanics, and physics,” the biggest practical difference it had was in making Western military forces far superior to Resterners. The greatest advances came in artillery, the accuracy and power of which benefitted greatly from the application of physics, and in handgun technology, as can be seen in the chart below.

Source: Ferguson, Niall. Civilization: The West and the Rest. p. 82

Europe’s superior military technology is what enabled it to defeat and eventually conquer Resterners. As the charts below show, in 1500 the West controlled about 5 percent of the world’s territory and 16 percent of its population. In 1913, it controlled 58 percent of the territory and 57 percent of the population. This radical expansion can be explained primarily by the fact that Europe’s militaries were able to defeat those of the Rest and thereby gain political control over their lands and peoples. And if it wasn’t for scientific advancement, Europe’s militaries would never have been able to accomplish this.

Source: Ferguson, Niall. Civilization: The West and the Rest. p. 6

So it’s very concerning that modern America is moving away from innovation and technological advancement in the military. Mackenzie Eaglen, a new scholar at AEI, reveals that America’s military is becoming outdated as we spent the last decade focused on low-technology conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. She explains in another piece that “the U.S. military has lost ground in innovation this past decade, accelerating a trend that began in the early 1990s.”

Nick Schulz, editor-in-chief of The American and an expert on innovation policy, also bemoans the lack of innovation in today’s military, highlighting the fact that military technologies often transform into extremely useful civilian products. For example, interchangeable parts were originally designed for rifles, but became common practice for a wide variety of civilian goods. More recently, technologies such as microchips, which were originally designed to guide missiles, are now used in a plethora of consumer goods.

Yes, America’s military is still by far the most technologically advanced and powerful armed force in the world. And yes, it will likely take many years, if not decades, before other countries catch up to us, even if we continue decreasing innovation.

But America’s status as the lone superpower is not guaranteed in perpetuity. If we allow ourselves to be content with the technology we already have, we will eventually be overtaken. It’s important to note that Western powers were technologically inferior to Resterners prior to the advances of the Scientific Revolution. Eastern powers such as the Ottoman Empire were a very real military threat as late as 1683, when an alliance of Poles and Austrians barely stopped the Turks from conquering Vienna. Prior to that date, Europe lived in fear of “the Turk” and his unstoppable military, epitomized by elite forces such as the Janissaries. But the Ottomans grew content with their military’s technology (perhaps because they were so successful in the past) and, over time, Europe reversed the technology gap. America runs the risk of following in the Ottomans’ footsteps.

Al Qaeda officially welcomes al Shabaab

By Katherine Zimmerman

February 9, 2012, 4:12 pm

Al Shabaab is officially an al Qaeda affiliate. This development is not really new, since I and other analysts have assessed that relationship to be real for some time. But for the naysayers, al Qaeda’s media arm just released a video of al Qaeda emir Ayman al Zawahiri welcoming al Shabaab to al Qaeda. Is it right, then, to continue to assert that al Shabaab remains a local threat?

The Somalia-based terrorist organization has recently come under military pressure from joint Kenyan, Ethiopian, Somali, and African Union-led operations. Most of al Shabaab’s fighters have been caught up in the fight to protect the organization’s territory, which once extended from the Kenyan border up through central Somalia. Yet not all of al Shabaab is entirely focused on this local fight. A hard-line faction within the leadership has cycled through Somalia’s successive radical Islamist organizations—first al Ittihad al Islamiyya, designated a foreign terrorist organization after 9/11, and then Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union. These leaders, profiled by the Critical Threats Project, subscribe to al Qaeda’s ideology and have more global aspirations.

Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper testified to this distinction between nationalist and radical factions of al Shabaab. He said, “Members of this group—particularly a foreign fighter cadre that includes US passport holders—may also have aspirations to attack the United States.” He added that there are no insights into concrete plots to attack outside of the Horn of Africa, however. But the nationalist and radical factions are not entirely distinct. Al Shabaab’s hardliners rely on the safe havens secured by local fighters to operate, which opens up access to necessary networks to conduct operations. Current military operations in Somalia have begun to disrupt some of these networks, but al Shabaab still has safe havens in the country. And from there, the hardliners will continue to operate.

The fact that Zawahiri and al Shabaab’s leadership decided to announce their relationship publicly at this time is in itself interesting, and merits further examination. For now, though, it is essential for American policymakers to register the fact that an Islamist organization that controls significant territory and resources—including U.S. passport-holders—has declared openly for al Qaeda.

Why Europe isn’t Hamiltonian

By Daniel Hanson

February 8, 2012, 2:14 pm

As Europe continues to careen off the fiscal cliff, technocrats are trying to find ways to write-down Europe’s debt without it being considered a technical default.

There is actually a strong parallel here to the United States in the early Constitution days. With extremely high war-time debts and a weak federal apparatus, the new republic was staggering under financial stresses that threatened the American project.

Alexander Hamilton, the newly minted Secretary of the Treasury, proposed a plan to solve the problem. Part of the proposal involved the national government assuming the debts of the states. Despite high opposition to the plan, particularly in the more fiscally-sound South, Hamilton hammered the proposal through Congress.

Maybe some sort of debt sharing deal could happen in Europe?

Not likely, writes AEI’s Alex Pollock:

Since it will not have a Hamiltonian central government, Europe cannot carry out a repetition of Hamilton’s celebrated assumption of state debts—in which the new United States Treasury paid par for debts which were trading at 25 cents or so on the dollar. Such a transaction is beyond the power of any confederation. It is impossible to imagine that the United States under the Articles of Confederation would have, or could have, carried out this famous debt assumption.

Thus, some of the accumulated debt of member governments of the European confederation will not be paid. It will be “restructured” in various ways with losses to creditors, as is in the process of happening with the Greek government’s debt and has historically happened over and over again with government debt.

What does this mean? It means that we’re stuck with creditors taking losses that European leaders will continue to deny constitute a default.

This, of course, is ludicrous, as any failure to service a debt in full is a default, regardless of what Europe’s leaders choose to call it, and markets are likely to penalize governments for their defaults.

We’ve seen this sort of smoke-and-mirrors before. As John Makin wrote about the “voluntary” write-down of Greek debt that happened in October:

The terms of the Greek rescue package included a “voluntary” 50 percent reduction in the value of Greek bonds held by its creditors, which include European commercial banks and the ECB. A 50 percent cut in a Greek bond’s value constitutes a default. If it is imposed on lenders who have purchased insurance on their Greek bonds, those lenders can be compensated for their losses by the sellers of that insurance. (The insurance vehicle is called a credit default swap). However, as the architects of the Greek rescue package discovered, if the lender accepts a voluntary write-down of an insured government bond, which was probably sold by an overleveraged lender who may not be able to honor it (think AIG after the Bear Sterns collapse), the holder need not be compensated for the loss.

The write-down proposed on the debt of Greece reminded those who had purchased insurance on their Italian, Spanish, and French bonds that the guarantees might not be valid, either by decree or in view of the inability of those who wrote the insurance policies to honor them. As a result, lenders to Italy, Spain, and France began to demand higher interest rates on their loans to those countries.

Europe has no Hamiltonian federalism to save it from its debts. There will be defaults, no matter what the politicians say.

In October, I attended a satellite speech by WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange at the Sydney Opera House, where he described the state of his criminal enterprise this way: “WikiLeaks is a rather big boat with a lot of torpedo holes in it that has taken water in and is drifting along and we’re doing our best to keep it afloat.”

Little did I know at the time, he meant this literally. Fox News reports:

Julian Assange’s investors are in the process of purchasing a boat to move WikiLeaks’ servers offshore in an attempt to evade prosecution from U.S. law enforcement, FoxNews.com has learned….

Another WikiLeaks source said attempts had been made to place servers on old military barges in the ocean, in international waters. The source would not say whether those attempts had been successful, citing concerns for compromising the success of WikiLeaks and its future plans to move offshore. WikiLeaks’ servers are now based in Sweden and Iceland, among other locations….

“Then they can keep running WikiLeaks and nobody can touch them,” one source told FoxNews.com. “If you get a certain distance away from any land, then you’re dealing with maritime law … They can’t prosecute him under maritime law. He’s safe. He’s not an idiot, he’s actually very smart”…

If Assange is indeed planning to move his servers offshore, he’s actually not very smart. If anything, such a move would make it far easier for the United States or other concerned parties to take out WikiLeaks’ capabilities.

The Pentagon has offensive cyber-attack capabilities that could do enormous damage to WikiLeaks’ servers. One likely reason those capabilities have not been used is the fact that WikiLeaks’ servers are in Sweden and Iceland. An attack on WikiLeaks would require launching a cyber-attack on the territory of two friendly countries, one of whom is a NATO ally. Thus, WikiLeaks has been free to disseminate classified U.S. government information with near impunity.

But if WikiLeaks’ servers are moved offshore, that is a whole different ball of wax. We can reach those servers without having to worry about violating the sovereignty of a friend or ally. The United States could launch a covert action in cyberspace that would disable and destroy its servers.

Or, if Assange were on board a ship in international waters, the United States could send a special operations team to capture him and bring him back to the United States to stand trial. Assange is kidding himself if he thinks he would find protection from such an operation in “maritime law.” In 1989, the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel issued a memorandum which declared  that “the FBI may use its statutory authority to investigate and arrest individuals for violating United States law, even if the FBI’s actions contravene customary international law” and that an “arrest that is inconsistent with international or foreign law does not violate the Fourth Amendment.” In other words, America can apprehend Assange or his co-conspirators anywhere in the world—including at sea.

It is unlikely the United States would exercise this authority if Assange is on the territory of an friendly nation such as Britain or Sweden—though we could seek his extradition. But if he is hiding out on a ship in international waters, there is no need for extradition—the United States can just grab him and bring him to America to face justice.

Or the WikiLeaks ship carrying its servers could mysteriously sink in the deep blue sea—the victim of a “rogue wave” or some other “natural” disaster. The open ocean is a dangerous place. Bad things happen out there.

In other words, WikiLeaks could end up precisely as Assange described it in Sydney: a “boat with a lot of torpedo holes.”

Smart indeed.

Syria is going to hell in a handbasket, and the world is watching. This morning, the State Department announced that the U.S. ambassador to Syria and his few remaining staff were gone, the embassy shuttered. That step and this weekend’s Russian and Chinese veto of an almost toothless U.N. Security Council resolution will dominate the news this morning, but the real question is: What next?

Here are five questions for the Obama administration, which professed itself “disgusted” by the Russian and Chinese veto:

1.    Will the United States support the arming of the Free Syrian Army?

2.    Will the United States join a “coalition of the willing” with the Arab League and others to support the Syrian opposition?

3.    Will the United States convene or join in the convening of a conference of the Syrian opposition to build unity and plan for the post-Assad transition?

4.    Will the United States release and urge others to release information about the foreign bank accounts of top Syrian officials, rather than waiting as everyone did post-Qadhafi?

5.    If it’s not doing the above, what exactly is the Obama administration doing for the people of Syria, except talking?

I’ve just returned from Bahrain, the tiny island Arab kingdom in the Persian Gulf, which for 40 years has hosted a U.S. naval facility that, for more than 15 years, has also been the U.S. Fifth Fleet headquarters.

As Bahrain’s political unrest reaches a boiling point, the U.S. Fifth Fleet increasingly finds itself a symbolic hostage in a struggle. Sectarian grievances in Bahrain are long, and often legitimate. While the U.S. Navy does not involve itself in local politics, it nevertheless has become a symbol of the close generational relationship between the Bahraini monarchy and the White House.

Officially, there is no consensus among the opposition regarding the future of the U.S. presence. Mutual distrust is high, though. When visiting the United States, many opposition representatives reassure that they seek no change in the status of the U.S.-Bahraini relationship; Iranian news outlets have, however, cited some of the same figures saying the opposite.

The Bahraini uprising is not sponsored by Iran, but there is no doubt that the Iranian government will try to hijack it for Tehran’s own aims and will use its domination of the airwaves to incite the Bahraini public against the American naval presence. The widespread perception that Obama’s withdrawal is equivalent to defeat in Iraq underscores the belief that, with enough pressure, the Americans will flee.

The United States picks no side in the broader Sunni-Shi‘ite divide, although many diplomats and military officers retain bias against Shi‘ites, falsely assuming Arab Shi‘ites represent Iranian Fifth Columnists. This creates a self-fulfilling prophecy, as Shi‘ites, facing Western abandonment, feel they have no choice but to accept Iranian protection. Nothing did more to drive Iraqi Shi‘ites into Iranian hands than the support by career diplomats and General David Petraeus for re-Baathification.

Self-fulfilling prophecies cut both ways. As the opposition seeks to leverage American interests to their advantage, they say that the longer the United States sits on the fence in Bahrain, the less likely any new Bahraini government will be to acquiesce to the continuation of the U.S. military presence. Realistically, however, the United States will not turn against Bahrain’s ruling family. To do so would destabilize other Gulf Cooperation Council states, and demonstrate that there is no reward for the ruling family’s long friendship.

As the situation climaxes, both sides should consider the road not taken. Had successive U.S. administrations pressured more proactively for reform, the scenarios for American national security in Bahrain would not be so stark. At the same time, should the Bahraini Shi‘ite opposition commit to continue the American presence, they could repair more than three decades of stereotypes and mistrust in American policy circles.

It is cold in Moscow. On top of the record snowfall that blanketed all Eastern Europe, it has been 15-20 degrees (Celsius) below average. Yesterday, Moscow was frozen at -33 C, or -27 Fahrenheit. I know because a distant relative, Lena, called my mother, from Moscow to New York. “I will definitely come and march [in the protest rally tomorrow] from downtown Moscow on Yakimanka [street] to Bolotnaya [Square] but I am not sure how long I can last in the rally, standing still in this cold.”

There is good news and bad news for the Kremlin in what Lena said. The good news, obviously, is that the organizers will be hard-pressed to produce a turnout to exceed the one on December 24 (which was anywhere between 60,000-100,000). But the bad news is really bad. For if Muscovites like Lena plan to march, no matter how low the mercury falls, things look positively bleak. My second (or third?) cousin, twice removed, Lena is in her thirties and teaches at a prestigious Moscow college. She has never been especially “political”—until now.

In short, she is an embodiment of the average statistical protester. According to the “entry” and “exit” polls of the December 24 demonstrators by the trustworthy Levada Center, 62 percent have college degrees or higher, over half are under 40, almost half are professionals, and almost a quarter are either managers or owners of businesses. At 12 percent, college students are the third-largest category. For 89 percent, the internet is the primary source of news. A plurality voted for the “party of intelligentsia,” the center-left Yabloko but, more importantly, almost 7 in 10 identify themselves as “democrats” or “liberals.”

Father Frost may prevent tomorrow’s rally from being as large as the organizers hoped, but the tens of thousands who do come out convey the message loud and clear: Putin has lost Moscow. And he has lost the intelligentsia. No Russian regime that incurred these losses has ever survived, although it may decline and agonize for months or even years. Remember this when you read about the demonstration tomorrow—or watch it on YouTube.

Earlier this week, President Obama laid out a strong defense of using drone aircraft to target al Qaeda and Taliban militants inside Pakistan, and thus for the first time officially acknowledged the CIA’s “worst-kept secret” program that has increased significantly under his watch. The president’s remarks will put new pressure on his administration to further explain and justify the legality, utility, and morality of the program to Congress and rights groups, and, as my colleague Marc Thiessen points out, it also exposes the program to a “greater risk of successful legal challenges.”

On the positive side, however, the president’s public acknowledgment will now give more leeway to the administration to counter damaging misinformation vis-à-vis the program in Pakistan. The drone strikes have provoked outrage across Pakistan not because the attacks kill terrorists, but because both politicians and militants constantly remind the people that the attacks violate their country’s sovereignty and mostly kill civilians. In reality, both these claims are inaccurate.

First, most of the drone strikes have been conducted with the permission of, and sometimes in coordination with, the Pakistani government. In a U.S. diplomatic cable released by Wikileaks, Army Chief Ashfaq Parvez Kayani in 2008 asked Washington for “continuous Predator coverage” in South and North Waziristan, and in another leaked cable, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani is quoted as saying: “I don’t care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We’ll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it.” Publicly, however, the Pakistani leaders condemn the strikes.

Second, reports about civilian casualties are mostly unsubstantiated as they rely on information provided by the Taliban. After each attack, the militants cordon off and bar everyone from visiting the attack site, and then announce that all or most of the casualties were civilians. The sensationalist Pakistani media not only publishes the Taliban’s accounts, but also multiplies misperceptions that largely go unchallenged by Islamabad and Washington. As a result, the opposition and religious parties have exploited the issue to weaken President Zardari’s government and force Islamabad to distance itself from Washington. On January 27, more than 100,000 people massed in Karachi to protest the strikes.

The reality is that the drone strikes, as my colleague Sadanand Dhume argues, have proven to be the least indiscriminate option available for the U.S. military to target terrorists in Pakistan’s tribal areas. The attacks have disrupted the activities of terrorist groups and killed over 2,000 militants over the past years, including high value targets, such as Baitullah Mehsud, former leader of the Pakistani Taliban, and Shaikh Sa’id Masri, al Qaeda’s No. 3 leading the group’s operations in Afghanistan.

Now that Washington has acknowledged the controversial program, it is time for Islamabad to follow suit. It will help counter the terrorists’ propaganda about civilian casualties and mitigate rising anti-American sentiment that is damaging ties between Pakistan and the United States.

Here’s what AEI’s foreign and defense policy scholars are reading for the week of Jan. 8 to Feb. 3:

Daniel Byman at ForeignPolicy.com warns that reports of the impending death of Bashir Assad’s regime are premature in Finish Him.

Weaselzippers.us reports on an interview by Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg with Al-Hayat TV where she warns Egyptians Don’t Look to the U.S. Constitution.

Alana Goodman at CommentaryMagazine.com reports on Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Moshe Ya’alon’s talk at the Herzliya national security conference in Iranian Missile “Aimed at America.”

DefenseNews.com reports that Iran Plans a 127 Percent Defense Budget Increase (hmm… maybe for long-range missiles?).

Peter Schweizer at BigPeace.com explains How Obama’s Defense R&D Cuts Will Damage Our Security And Competitiveness.

Walter Russell Mead at ViaMeadia reports that a Worried India Shifts Defense Focus To China.

Rep. J. Randy Forbes at The Diplomat explains Why the U.S. Needs Amphibious Skills.

Abu Mohammed al-Adnani, spokesman for al Qaeda’s Islamic State of Iraq, gloats over America’s withdrawal and claims that America has been defeated in Iraq.

Seth Mandel at CommentaryMagazine.com reports that the West Is Out of Excuses for Georgia’s Exclusion From NATO.

Pam Benson at CNN.com’s Security Clearance blog warns that a Catastrophic Cyberattack Looms.

Nitsana Darshan-Leitner in the JPost.com explains why Rick Perry was Right on Turkey and Islamic Terror.

Dan Lothian at CNN.com’s The 1600 Report reports on White House Denials that the President Made a Mistake Revealing U.S. Drone Strikes in Pakistan.

Robert Park at The Diplomat on why it is Time to End North Korea “Genocide.”

Peter Kohanloo and Sohrab Ahma at ForeignPolicy.com discuss Does the National Iranian American Council Have a Moral Obligation to Speak Out Against the Ayatollahs?

Mackenzie Eaglen

U.S. Navy readiness continues its decline amid the ‘pivot’ to Asia

By Mackenzie Eaglen

February 3, 2012, 9:30 am

At the same time as the Obama administration is heralding a strategic “pivot” towards Asia and the growing threat of Chinese military modernization, the U.S. Navy continues to put on a brave face in the middle of a growing readiness crisis. While not new, this alarming trend was highlighted again this week when Navy officials announced that, for the second time in seven months, the USS Essex, a Marine Corps amphibious assault ship, has failed to meet a commitment at sea due to equipment failure or maintenance issues.

The Navy’s No. 2 wasn’t understating the problem when he told Congress last year: “The stress on the force is real. And it has been relentless.”

This is not an isolated occurrence. A high operational tempo over the past decade has put an incredible strain upon all of America’s military. As fewer ships spend less time at home making repairs, regular wear and tear takes a heavy toll. In fact, in 2011, nearly one-quarter of the entire surface fleet failed inspection. The Navy has 22 cruisers in service and every one of them has cracks in the aluminum superstructure. Meanwhile, half of the Navy’s deployable aircraft are not combat ready and engines aboard two F/A-18s have caught fire aboard ships underway.

While the Navy has shrunk by 15 percent since 1998, it has deployed a relatively constant number of ships at sea at any given time. Between two major wars in the Middle East, a third in Libya, anti-piracy operations off the Horn of Africa, disaster relief in Asia, and maritime deterrence in the Western Pacific, the U.S. military has increasingly been asked to do more with less.

The USS Essex was supposed to take part in Cobra Gold—a joint exercise with Thailand—before it had to back out due to mechanical problems. In many ways, this incident can be seen as a metaphor for the entire shift to Asia. On paper, it sounds like a smart and forward-thinking policy—it even involves allies and burden-sharing. What’s not to love?

But without the proper resources, Cobra Gold, as well as the larger “pivot” and its supposed emphasis on air and naval power, is just a paper tiger.

If the administration is serious about properly resourcing an American military emphasis in the Pacific while not taking our eye off the ball everywhere else, the president must send over a budget that proposes to reverse the decline of the Navy’s size, fleet, and readiness. Anything less should be called out for what it really is: a strategy that says one thing and a budget that does another.


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