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Archive for the ‘Education’ Category

Santorum is right about U.S. ‘factory schools’

By James Pethokoukis

February 20, 2012, 4:42 pm

Rick Santorum is right on with this:

At another point on Saturday, Mr. Santorum repeated his skepticism about the government’s role in public education. He harked back to a pre-industrial 19th century when many Americans, including presidents, home-schooled their children. The public school, Mr. Santorum said, arose “when people came off the farms where they did home-school or have the little neighborhood school, and into these big factories, so we built equal factories called public schools.”

And it has been thus ever since, thanks in large part to government unions who have an interest in keeping the U.S. education system in a permanent state of suspended animation. Here is a great bit from Walter Russell Mead on factory schools:

Fordism was once a term of abuse hurled at the factory system by Marxist critics who, rightly, deplored the alienation and anomie that mass production for mass consumption entailed. Has the Fordist factory system and the big box consumerism that goes with it now become our ideal, the highest form of social life our minds can conceive? Social critics also denounced our school system, justifiably, as a mediocre, conformity inducing, alienating, time wasting system that trained kids to sit still, follow directions and move with the herd. The blue model built big-box schools where the children of factory workers could get the standardized social and intellectual training necessary to enable most of them to graduate into the big-box Ford plant and shop in the big-box store. Maybe that was a huge social advance at one time, but is that something to aspire to or be proud of today? Don’t we want to teach our children to do something smarter than move in large groups by the clock and the bell, follow directions and always color between the lines.

Last fall, I wrote about the problems with our decade-long national mania for “closing [race- and income-based] achievement gaps” in K-12 education. Our relentless efforts to boost reading and math proficiency among the most disadvantaged students have caused us to slight the needs of everyone else—especially high-achievers.

Gap-closing enthusiasts respond that theirs is actually a win-win exercise that benefits all students. Education Trust Vice President Amy Wilkins has termed it a “false choice” to suggest “that we have to make a choice as a country between equity and excellence.” She argues, “Our policies need to marry both.” The Washington Post’s Jay Mathews argues that enrolling more students in Advanced Placement classes is good for everyone—that it challenges these students and has no adverse impact on rigor or the success of their peers.

Well, last week the College Board released its 2011 AP results, and the Washington DC results should give pause to those who insist there are no trade-offs. DC has seen a half-decade of aggressive gap-closing reforms led by two talented chancellors (Michelle Rhee and Kaya Henderson), both of whom have gauged success primarily in terms of reading and math achievement for the worst-served students.

Last week, the College Board reported that DC has indeed managed to more than double the number of students taking at least one AP test in the past decade, from 467 in 2001 to 1,084 in 2011. Yet, despite this huge increase in the number of AP test-takers, the total share of DCPS graduates passing at least one test has actually declined, from 6.8 percent in 2001 to 6.6 percent in 2011. In fact, the rate had peaked at 7.1 percent in 2006, just before the DC reform efforts started.

The point is simple: Let’s not oversell the benefit of merely having more students sit in “advanced” classes, and we shouldn’t be surprised if reforms wholly targeted on reducing mediocrity don’t do much to boost excellence.

Chairman Kline discusses Obama education waivers, No Child Left Behind

By Jenna Schuette Talbot

February 9, 2012, 3:20 pm

This morning at AEI, U.S. Congressman and Chairman of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce John Kline (R-Minnesota) explained his new education bills, which seek to bring more local control, more parent involvement, and less federal intrusion to the nation’s schools. Notably, Chairman Kline’s remarks came just before President Obama announced the 10 states that have been granted No Child Left Behind waivers, through which the administration is allowing states to circumvent the act’s consequences. He noted that the waivers were simply a way for the president and secretary of Education to get what they want. Rick Hess also raised serious concerns about the administration’s back-door legislating, noting that their plan lets states “ignore federal legislation in return for promising to do other stuff that they like.”

But Kline’s real intention in joining AEI today was to unveil his bills, which are an attempt to reauthorize the widely unpopular No Child Left Behind Act. He described how the bills will give states the authority to define their own accountability systems, eliminate a highly contested provision of NCLB that dictates teacher eligibility, and offer states more flexibility to spend their federal dollars. He also assured audience member and Idaho State Superintendent Tom Luna that under his bills, Washington would not dictate which standards—such as the Common Core standards—states must adopt.

This morning Kline put forth a sensible, conservative alternative to burning down the Department of Education à la Rick Perry and Michele Bachman. While it is unlikely that these bills—which were introduced to the House today—will become law, they certainly send the message that the days of prescriptive federal involvement in schools are numbered.

Two recent pieces from the Financial Times struck me as misusing colloquialisms, so I leave it to our readership to render judgement. Both are behind firewalls, so I’m not linking here. First, in covering the World Economic Forum meeting at Davos, John Gapper and Gillian Tett write that “the U.S. Chamber of Commerce tried to use the forum to table a transatlantic pact that would reduce tariffs on goods” (emphasis added). Assuming that the Chamber is pro-trade, then their action probably was to support a pact to reduce tariffs on goods. But “to table” means to prevent any action on a proposal; “to put on the table” means to offer for consideration. Can one use “to table” to describe making a proposal? Back to “Roberts’ Rules of Order” for Gapper and Tett.

Second, Richard McGregor writes that “marshalled by the party’s bigwigs … the Republican wagons are circling Newt Gingrich in Florida, determined to choke his political momentum…” McGregor needs to watch more Westerns (I suggest starting with “Stagecoach”), since “circling the wagons” means to protect oneself and loved ones from an attack by forming a defensive position with covered wagons. McGregor probably didn’t want to use the not-politically-correct image of American Indians on horseback surrounding a beleaguered Gingrich, who would be well advised to circle his own wagons. Any more mangling of expressions like that, and McGregor’s editor should have his scalp.

Andrew P. Kelly

For-profit college lobbying: Missing the forest for the trees

By Andrew P. Kelly

February 6, 2012, 1:56 pm

On Friday, the Huffington Post, in conjunction with an advocacy group named United Republic, posted a piece about for-profit college lobbying during the 2010-2011 fight over new federal regulations. For those scoring at home, this is the latest article in a series on for-profit colleges by HuffPo’s intrepid reporter Chris Kirkham. Kirkham uses publicly disclosed data on lobbying expenses and campaign contributions to paint a damning picture of the for-profit influence. In Kirkham’s view, for-profit lobbying efforts were “unprecedented,” costing upwards of $13 million over the past two years. His sources tell us that “big money won” while “students lost” in the fight over gainful employment.

Kirkham’s numbers are almost certainly right. The problem is, his work continues to provide readers with less than half of the story. Without the necessary context, I suppose we’re expected to take Kirkham’s word that these lobbying expenses are indeed “unprecedented” in higher education?

However, as I argued last month in The Atlantic, once you put the lobbying expenses in context, it becomes clear that for-profits are far from the only players in the higher education lobbying game. Nor are they the biggest. Some of the country’s most beloved public state systems (SUNY, University of Texas) and private nonprofits (Boston University, Johns Hopkins) spend millions on Washington influence every year. As former Clinton education aide Andy Rotherham recently warned, “elementary and secondary lobbyists are pussycats when compared to their higher-education counterparts, who can really do some political damage.” And we have not yet seen the full strength of the traditional sector: Lobbying expenses should reach new heights as traditional higher education interests push back on the president’s latest proposal to link eligibility for federal aid to affordability and return on investment.

Interestingly, United Republic aims to combat moneyed influence in politics. One can only hope that they will be equally attentive to the millions that public and nonprofit organizations have spent and will continue to spend on higher education lobbying in the near future. What’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

Charles Murray’s new book has been getting lots of attention, and I wanted to take a look at what liberals who disagree with him had to say (believing I’ll learn more from the critics than I will from those who agree with him). So I searched for criticism of Coming Apart and here are sentences from some of the critiques:

“I haven’t read Murray’s book, and probably won’t.” (Kevin Drum)

“While I haven’t yet read Murray’s latest book…” (Greg Anrig)

“I haven’t read Murray’s book…” (Jon Chait)

No additional comment required.

Andrew P. Kelly

Obama tells higher education institutions they’re ‘on notice’

By Andrew P. Kelly

January 27, 2012, 4:32 pm

President Obama gave everyone more detail on his latest higher education reform ideas this morning. The proposals are unlikely to make many friends among the higher education establishment.

The big pieces:

•    A proposal to tie a portion of federal financial aid dollars to whether institutions maintain low net prices and provide “long-term value” to their students.

•    A Race to the Top for College Affordability and Completion: A competitive grant program that incentivizes states to lower postsecondary costs, and a smaller program (“First in the World”) for individual institutions and non-profit organizations to experiment with lower-cost models.

•    An effort to create a College Scorecard for consumers that would (eventually) include measures of labor market success.

What to make of it all? Two quick reflections:

1.    A college scorecard with comparable information on costs and quality makes good sense. I’ve written (repeatedly) about the need for better consumer information, shown that information can affect the way parents evaluate colleges, and discussed the shortcomings of existing efforts to provide it.

In K-12, the NAEP exam is necessary because the states have no incentive to honestly “keep score” on their own. The federal government has also fulfilled this role in higher education via the National Center for Education Statistics. This latest iteration is an effort to streamline the data that are available, place any given institution’s cost and performance in context, and add some measures that have heretofore been unavailable (earnings and employment).

Two issues to keep in mind:

Measuring earnings and employment information for all colleges and universities seems sure to provoke a firestorm of debate. But the federal government is already collecting similar information for for-profits and vocational programs at community colleges.

Second, making the information available is not enough: policymakers must find ways to proactively put the scorecards in front of consumers. Seems like providing the scorecard for each school a student lists on the FAFSA is the right place to start.

2.    While it’s not entirely clear, it looks like the “First in the World” competitive grant program will be limited to colleges and nonprofit organizations, thereby precluding any for-profit service providers from applying.

This echoes the administration’s stubborn stance on the i3 program in K-12, and it means that some of the most innovative providers in higher education will be left out. Many for-profits (and I’m not just talking about colleges and universities here) are experimenting with promising models of instructional delivery, student services, and credentialing and assessment that are bending the cost curve and promoting student success. Barring these outfits would be a missed opportunity to harvest the best of what the for-profit sector has to offer: the fruits of their R and D. For-profit organizations should be included, at the very least as potential partners to public and non-profit institutions.

Whatever happens, if anyone is considering a career change, now would be the time to get hitched to a higher education lobbying firm. Judging by the initial response to Obama’s ideas, it’s going to be a “growth industry” over the next few months.

Should teenagers be forced to go to high school? Here’s President Obama from the State of the Union speech on Tuesday:

We also know that when students aren’t allowed to walk away from their education, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma. So tonight, I call on every State to require that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn eighteen.

Another idea that sounds good as a bullet point in a speech, but not so much in reality.

1. As the Los Angeles Times points out, 17 states already mandate compulsory education until age 18, including California. But the most recent figures show that 18.2 percent of California students drop out.

2. A 2009 study, also noted by the LA Times, by the Rennie Center for Education Research and Policy (the source of the accompanying chart) found such mandates ineffective:

The primary rationale behind raising the compulsory school attendance age to 18 is the belief that it will decrease the number of students who drop out and increase the number of students who graduate. However, our review revealed that there is little research to support the effectiveness of compulsory attendance laws in achieving these goals. As we have described, the evidence that does exist is dated. The research suggests that these laws had an impact on high school students in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s when the circumstances behind the decision to drop out were likely quite different than they are today. In addition, the findings themselves suggest that the impact of laws requiring students to stay in school until they are 18 has decreased over time.

3. In his must-read book Real Education, AEI’s Charles Murray (whose new book, Coming Apart, I will soon write about) notes that whatever the educational advantage of charter schools over government schools, they certainly succeed in providing students a safe and orderly classroom for those who want to learn. “The worst inner-city schools … contain classes in which competent teachers cannot be heard over the din … daily student-on-student and student-on-teacher altercations, frequent assaults … and the occasional assault with a deadly weapon.” In response, Murray offers a few basic rules:

1. Disruptive students are not permitted to remain in class.

2. Students who are chronically disruptive are suspended.

3. Students who in any way threaten a teacher verbally or physically are expelled.

Now, Murray realizes that “alternative schools” may not be able to absorb all the disruptive students and many may end up on the streets. But that may be a price we have to pay to reestablish order in our schools. And just how high a price is it really?

Students who are suspended are often learning nothing when they are in school — literally nothing … Nor are their hours in the school building keeping them out of trouble. The kinds of activities that get teenagers into trouble in the inner city (or anywhere else for that matter) do not usually take place from 8:00 a.m to 3:00 p.m. … Most of them are already on the street for all but a few hours of the day when they are preventing teachers and other students from learning. … The overriding priority for inner-city schools must be the children who are trying to learn. It is morally unacceptable to sacrifice their futures … just because we do not know how to reach the children who are not trying to learn.

Keep every kid in school no matter how disruptive they are? A perfect example of government creating a mandate without thinking through the unintended consequences.

Andrew P. Kelly

Obama’s Stephen Colbert moment in higher education

By Andrew P. Kelly

January 25, 2012, 2:03 pm

SOTU: Nothing new on education” says Rick Hess? I beg to differ. At least one sentence was “new.”

When the president took aim at higher education, he unexpectedly channeled his inner Stephen Colbert. Colbert routinely places people and groups that offend him in one of three categories—first, you’re “called out” for your behavior; then you are put “on notice”; finally Colbert declares you “dead to me.” (The president is familiar with the Colbert framework: back in the 2008 campaign, Obama himself put political distractions “on notice.”)

Evidently, colleges and universities have officially moved from stage one to stage two in the president’s estimation:

So let me put colleges and universities on notice: If you can’t stop tuition from going up, the funding you get from taxpayers will go down.

It’s about time: over the past quarter century, the cost of college has tripled after controlling for inflation, while family incomes have increased only 10 percent. According to the College Board, in the past year alone, tuition and fees at public universities grew by 8.3 percent.

What this sentence means for policy is unclear: the White House blueprint suggests the president “is proposing to shift some Federal aid away from colleges that don’t keep net tuition down and provide good value.” We will get more detail at the president’s University of Michigan speech on Friday.

For now, a couple things to keep in mind:

1.    Avoid anything resembling “price controls:” Back in 2003, Representative Buck McKeon (R-CA) proposed linking student aid eligibility to a “college affordability index” that linked tuition increases to the CPI. The effort was torpedoed by talk of “price controls” and steadfast lobbying by higher education groups.

Lesson: anything resembling “price controls” will bomb. The focus must be on holding institutions accountable for the way they spend federal money.

2.    “Value” is critical: Thinking in terms of return on investment makes more sense than just out of pocket costs (cheap community colleges may deliver little by way of labor market returns). But doing so requires collecting data on the labor market outcomes of students. Currently, the feds only do so for for-profit colleges and vocational programs at community colleges. Placing value at the center of this larger effort will mean extending those data to all sectors of higher education.

Unless we can get a hold of college costs, it won’t be long before most colleges reach “dead to me” status in the minds of most Americans. Good to see it mentioned forcefully in SOTU, but keep your eyes peeled for more specifics on how this might work in practice.

President Obama (like President Bush before him) has used education to signal to centrists and moderates that he’s no ideologue. Where Bush used No Child Left Behind to demonstrate his “compassionate conservatism,” Obama has used education reform to make the case that his calls for higher taxes and more federal activity are about “transformation.”

Obama has enjoyed great success on this front, winning plaudits from the Wall Street Journal and David Brooks for Race to the Top. He and Secretary of Education Arne Duncan have been heralded as reformers (even though 95 percent of ARRA education spending subsidized the status quo and not their “reform” agenda).

With the election year ahead, it’s likely that education will be a key piece of Obama’s strategy to woo the middle. Which made it intriguing that the State of the Union devoted seven minutes to education but offered no notable ideas or initiatives. Obama offered banalities about teachers having to work “tirelessly, with modest pay,” and vaguely called for giving schools “the resources to keep good teachers on the job, and reward the best ones” if schools “replace teachers who just aren’t helping kids learn.” (Not that there’s much the feds can, or should, do about any of this.)

The president encouraged states to “require that all students stay in high school until they graduate or turn eighteen.”

He asked Congress to further subsidize student loans, to extend the temporary tuition tax credit, and come up with the funds to double the number of work-study jobs. He also wants states to spend more on higher education and wants colleges to “keep costs down.”

Let me summarize. As best as I can tell, Obama’s election year education program will be:

1) Say nice things about teachers.

2) Tell states to spend more on schools and rewarding good teachers, and to fire bad teachers.

3) Spend more to subsidize college.

4) Tell states to spend more on college, and colleges not to raise prices.

Quite a comedown from the heady days of 2009. But, given that we’re broke and have been living way beyond our means, maybe it signals we’re in for a healthy dose of humility on the education front.

Over at Education Week, Jason Richwine and I have an article responding to criticisms of our work on teacher pay. We found that, contrary to conventional wisdom, public school teachers receive higher pay than similar private sector workers. Their salaries are about on par but their benefits are a lot more generous. We think the Ed Week article resolves many of the obvious objections to our paper.

Not surprisingly, though, the comments sections is crammed with entries (some reasonable, others kind of nutty). One comment was from Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, one of the largest and most influential teachers’ unions. Here are her comments, followed by my responses.

Weingarten: “If we had a society where thousands of people wanted to become teachers and stay teachers, saying teachers are overpaid would have a scintilla of credibility. However, in the teaching profession, attrition nationwide is through the roof. In New York City, for example, 66,000 teachers have left their jobs since Mayor Michael Bloomberg took office. With these losses, our children lose experienced, high-quality teachers.”

Biggs: As we point out in the article, teacher colleges regularly graduate thousands more prospective teachers than can find jobs. Most teaching openings, even prior to the recession, received multiple applicants; in Connecticut in 2007-8, for instance, schools received an average of 15 qualified applicants per opening. Finally, teacher turnover is not appreciably higher than other professions. None of these facts point toward a profession that is deemed undesirable or underpaid.

Weingarten: “The authors believe teacher salaries should be market-based, while we believe teacher salaries should be based on the value our society places on children and their education, and our need to recruit and retain excellent teachers.”

Biggs: It is silly to argue that teacher pay should be set without reference to the market. There are many, many important jobs in society; doctors who cure your illnesses, lawyers who defend you in court, and so on. Pay for practically all of them relies on market pricing. As Ms. Weingarten seems to acknowledge, if we wish to attract and retain teachers, we have to know what the market would pay them in alternate employment. Our paper shows that we’re already paying above-market compensation, meaning that it’s factors other than pay that are preventing school from getting the best teachers.

Weingarten: “Indeed, the 2010 report on closing the talent gap by McKinsey & Co. found that improving compensation and working conditions could dramatically increase the recruitment and retention of top college students in high-needs schools and school districts.”

Biggs: The McKinsey report actually supports our basic finding: it shows that public school teachers are generally recruited from the bottom third of their college graduating class, meaning they’re less qualified than the typical college graduate. So it shouldn’t be surprising if they receive salaries that are somewhat lower than the typical college graduate. That said, it’s not illogical to assume, as McKinsey does, that higher pay would automatically attract better qualified teachers. In most other professions, it would. But our own work shows that we’re already paying for better teachers than we’re getting. The question is, why? Vanderbilt University economist Dale Ballou has shown that public schools often don’t hire the best applicants even when offered. Prospective teachers who graduated from better colleges, had higher GPAs and majored in subjects like math and science rather than education, actually have lower chances of being hired than applicants who took the traditional teacher training route. Ballou and University of Missouri economist Mike Podgursky show that, when schools are indifferent to applicants’ qualifications, raising pay without reforms will do little for teacher quality. A 20 percent salary increase would raise the average SAT score of teachers by only around 2 points. There’s something really screwy with how public schools are managing their workforces and simply raising pay isn’t going to fix it.

Weingarten: “The debate over whether teachers are overpaid is another example of blaming and demeaning teachers, which doesn’t help move us toward improving teaching and learning for all students.”

Biggs: Nowhere have we blamed or belittled teachers; such claims are made to generate emotional responses that distract from the factual arguments we have presented. We have merely shown that today’s teachers are not underpaid relative to what they would earn in the private sector. If we are correct, and to date no one has shown that we are not, this has significant implications for education policy and state/local government budgets.

Earlier this month, we marked the tenth anniversary of the No Child Left Behind Act. While well-intentioned, this sweeping legislation has suffered for its grandiose ambitions and simplistic, incoherent approach to educational accountability. Reauthorization is several years overdue, and the only legislative proposal to get traction to date—the Harkin-Enzi bill passed by the Senate Education Committee last fall—is, at best, a modest improvement.

Happily, under the leadership of Education Committee Chair John Kline, the House Republicans this week offered a bill that would build on the valuable transparency brought by NCLB while scrapping the law’s overwritten and half-baked prescriptions for policing teacher quality, school improvement, and state accountability systems.

The House bill:

1.    Scraps NCLB’s practice of requiring states to label schools as making or not making “adequate yearly progress” based upon a snapshot of reading and math scores by particular demographic populations, but sensibly retains the requirement for annual testing in reading and math in grades 3-8 and that data be disaggregated to show the performance of various student subgroups. In this, the House bill reflects both the Harkin-Enzi bill and what the Department of Education is pushing in its “NCLB waiver” process.

2.    Frees states to write their own policies regarding the proper interventions for low-performing schools—the feds would no longer mandate that all low-performing schools adopt supplemental tutoring or public school choice at a federally mandated point in time. And unlike the Senate, the House would not try to dictate a particular set of federally selected school improvement strategies.

3.    Sensibly insists that states develop academic standards that will have students ready for career or college by graduation, but drops the administration’s unfortunate effort to elbow its way into the (supposedly) state-driven Common Core effort.

4.    Scraps NCLB’s ludicrously bureaucratic “Highly Qualified Teacher” provision, which sought to ensure teacher quality by insisting upon new paperwork requirements.

5.    Scraps federal “maintenance of effort” requirements which have limited the ability of states to trim school spending even when it is prudent or appropriate. Indeed, maintenance of effort has frequently threatened to penalize states that seek to use innovative technologies or staffing arrangements to cut costs.

6.    Offers new flexibility to states and districts when it comes to spending categorical funds. It would allow districts to transfer money aimed at one special population to another, while sensibly ensuring that dollars cannot be moved out of “Title I” schools (schools serving high concentrations of low-income students).

Frederick M. Hess is director of education policy studies at AEI.

Huntsman’s bold policy agenda just got even bolder

By James Pethokoukis

January 9, 2012, 3:47 pm

With a strong showing tomorrow in New Hampshire, Jon Huntsman’s presidential campaign could gain the spark of life needed to eventually make the former Utah governor and U.S. ambassador to China the last anti-Romney standing. Or the effort could come to a quick end, though polls show Huntsman gaining momentum.

But whatever the political outcome, the Huntsman campaign has been a policy success. Huntsman has offered easily the most sweeping and pro-growth tax reform plan—dropping the top marginal income tax rate to 23 percent, while eliminating all tax breaks and investment taxes. Same goes for his financial reform plan to eliminate the Too Big To Fail problem by reducing the economic centrality and power of the largest banks.

Now Huntsman has hit a grand slam on education reform, which is vital to creating an innovative, fast-growing U.S. economy in the 21st century. Some key points:

Introducing Market Forces into Education System. Governor Huntsman supports an “all of the above” approach to education. The federal role should be acting as a clearinghouse for information and ideas, empowering states and local communities to take ownership of education reform. To this end, the federal government should attempt to minimize its role in trying to deliver outcomes, and instead encourage the growth of a more innovative educational system.

Creating Transparency. The key first step toward deregulation of education is introducing competition and transparency; free markets work best when given access to clear information. Jon Huntsman’s administration will establish meaningful and transparent national standards benchmarked to the world’s highest achieving educational systems and let states compete on how best to get there. Governor Huntsman believes that American students should be setting international standards, not aspiring to meet them. Our current standards are superficial, embarrassingly unambitious, and confusing for teachers.

Real Accountability. The federal government shouldn’t be in the business of running local schools or picking winners. President Huntsman will make sure schools, their administrators, and their boards are held accountable through data-driven measures of processes and achievement. Incentives matter, and communities whose schools fail to meet Common Core benchmarks should not be rewarded. A possible consequence could be restricting access to federal resources. President Huntsman will also use his bully pulpit to encourage adaptation of a parent trigger wherein a significant number of concerned parents could induce state action. On the other hand, principals who demonstrate sustained innovation and success should be rewarded and held up as models for other educators.

Department of Education Reform. The Department of Education has grown too large and powerful, and is restricting the flexibility of states and local communities to implement education reforms. Massively scaling down the department will clear the way for necessary reforms at the local level and free up precious resources.

Acknowledging Hard Truths. Public policy must be driven by reality. We need an education system that is designed to equip all students to be informed citizens and allows all children to maximize their God-given talents. Governor Huntsman believes that every child has a genius within; the challenge lies in empowering it. In preparing our youth to join an able citizenry, our education system should both provide generous opportunity for students to achieve their highest level of performance, while simultaneously acknowledging economic realities and making graduates both “college” and “career” ready. We need to reevaluate our “at all costs” emphasis on higher education for everyone in an environment where that emphasis only disadvantages individuals in the long run.

Great stuff. Better education is critical to increasing U.S. productivity, innovation, and growth. That means we need to a) expect more from students with greater academic ability, b) create meaningful, post-high school education options other than a four-year, BA program, c) get more kids in front of the best teachers. Indeed, poor schools may be costing the U.S. some $500 billion a year in lost GDP growth. Education has gotten zippo attention during this primary election season. If Huntsman sticks around, hopefully that will change.

As I mentioned earlier, I am currently reading Real Education by Charles Murray. In the book, Murray makes four big points: a) Ability varies; b) half of the children are below average; c) too many people are going to college; and d) America’s future depends on how we educate the academically gifted. It’s the third point I am concerned about for the moment. Here is President Obama is his recent Osawatomie, Kansas, speech:

But we need to meet the moment. We’ve got to up our game. We need to remember that we can only do that together. It starts by making education a national mission — a national mission. Government and businesses, parents and citizens. In this economy, a higher education is the surest route to the middle class. The unemployment rate for Americans with a college degree or more is about half the national average. And their incomes are twice as high as those who don’t have a high school diploma. Which means we shouldn’t be laying off good teachers right now — we should be hiring them. We shouldn’t be expecting less of our schools –- we should be demanding more. We shouldn’t be making it harder to afford college — we should be a country where everyone has a chance to go and doesn’t rack up $100,000 of debt just because they went.

Obama’s words remind me of this passage in the book:

The problem begins with the message sent to young people that they should aspire to college no matter what. Some politicians are among the most visible offenders, treating every failure to go to college as an injustice that can be remedied by increasing government help.

Murray makes several points that dispute Obama:

1. Only 20 percent of all students have the academic ability to do college work without decreasing the difficulty level.

2. For the student who wants to become a hotel manager, journalist, software designer, farmer, hospital administrator, four years of class work at a brick-and-mortar college is unnecessary — especially if K-12 did a better job a providing a classical liberal education.

3. The income for the people in a wide variety of  occupations that do not require a college degree is higher than the average income for many occupations that do require a BA. For some, being an electrician is a better career path than being a middle-level manager, both in terms of wages and job satisfaction.

Now this is not to say education should end at high school. Certainly not, as Joel Kotkin points out in City Journal:

The shortage of industrial skills points to a wide gap between the American education system and the demands of the world economy. For decades, Americans have been told that the future lies in high-end services, such as law, and “creative” professions, such as software-writing and systems design. This has led many pundits to think that the only real way to improve opportunities for the country’s middle class is to increase its access to higher education.

That attitude is a relic of the post–World War II era, a time when a college education almost guaranteed you a good job. These days, the returns on higher education, particularly on higher education gained outside the elite schools, are declining, as they have been for about a decade.  …  The reason for the low rewards is that many of the skills learned in college are now in oversupply. … The oversupply of college-educated workers is especially striking when you contrast it with the growing shortage of skilled manufacturing workers.  …  Two-year colleges will be crucial to the effort to train skilled workers. One of these schools, Central Ohio Technical College, has recently expanded by 70 welding students and 50 aspiring machinists per year. Many of the college’s certificate programs are designed and partly funded by companies, which figure that they’re making a wise investment. …

Such shorter educational alternatives will become ever more important as industrial workers retire. The average skilled worker in the industries supplying the gas boom is in his mid-fifties. “At our plant, you have lots of people with 20 to 30 years’ experience,” says Kirk, who has three high-skill openings that he can’t fill. “But there’s no apprenticeship program—no way to fill the future growth. We are simply running out of people.”

How to best educate smart kids

By James Pethokoukis

December 30, 2011, 12:38 pm

As AEI’s Charles Murray writes in the brief-but-great “Real Education: Four Simple Truths for Bringing America’s Schools Back to Reality”:

“… we are unrealistic about students at every level of academic ability — asking too much from those at the bottom, asking the wrong things from those at the middle, and asking too little from those at the top.”

The question of how to best educate the most gifted and promote academic excellence is tackled by the Manhattan Institute’s Sol Stern in a recent City Journal article:

Regrettably, the states haven’t done much better in helping gifted youngsters achieve their best. Perhaps the best indicator of the states’ neglect is that fewer than 100 science and math high schools currently exist across the country, and they enroll only 47,000 students. This is an absurdly low number, particularly when you consider the declining number of American students pursuing advanced science and engineering degrees.  … Many states lack specialized math and science public high schools altogether. …

A decade after passing No Child Left Behind, Congress needs to correct one of the law’s most damaging oversights. An amended NCLB could direct the federal Department of Education to offer financial incentives to states to boost the number of competitive, specialized high schools like Gotham’s, but free of their bureaucratic and union constraints—just as the department already rewards states for such reforms as increasing the number of charter schools and creating new teacher evaluations based on students’ test scores.

These specialized high schools, in fact, could be charter schools. Education reformers under the sway of NCLB’s reigning philosophy have viewed charters almost exclusively as a way to lift up the educationally disadvantaged. But charters could also play a constructive role in improving instruction for the smartest students. Why shouldn’t we encourage universities’ engineering schools, say, to create charter engineering high schools? Competitive entrance exams for such a school could take place at the sponsoring university’s campus. Top students at the school could take college-level engineering courses and even obtain early admission to the university. Companies like IBM and Microsoft could sponsor similar charter schools for science and math.

America will gain if school reformers get over the idea that elite education is undemocratic or comes at the expense of the disadvantaged.  … ” The next iteration of No Child Left Behind should have a great deal more of this Jeffersonian belief that, though America’s schools should educate all children well, they should also nurture academic excellence for the good of our democracy.

 

Andrew P. Kelly

Arne Duncan talks the talk on containing college costs

By Andrew P. Kelly

December 1, 2011, 8:58 am

On Tuesday, Education Secretary Arne Duncan delivered an important address on the imperative to contain college costs. Like his speech on the “new normal” in K-12 (delivered at AEI last November), Duncan called on higher education leaders to take on the challenge of doing more with less. As the secretary put it,

I want to ask [the higher education community] to look ahead and start thinking more creatively—and with much greater urgency—about how to contain the spiraling costs of college and reduce the burden of student debt on our nation’s students. . . . I believe that postsecondary institutions and states also have yet to fully tackle the cost containment challenge in a comprehensive and sustainable fashion. . . . I know that there are no simple solutions, no silver bullets here. But the difficulty of reducing the price of college and student debt cannot become a discussion-ending excuse for inaction.

The speech represents a refreshing, if overdue, shift in the administration’s approach to the college cost problem (I’m also biased: the speech cited Reinventing Higher Education, a book I co-edited with Kevin Carey and Ben Wildavsky).

For the last three years, the Obama administration has been preoccupied with student aid and affordability issues. They have eliminated private lenders from federal student loans, increased spending on Pell Grants, and recently made changes to loan repayment that will make some borrowers’ lives easier.

But there is a critical distinction between affordability (the cost to students) and the actual cost of providing postsecondary education (to taxpayers). While we can use additional student aid dollars to affect the former, this approach provides no incentive for institutions to change the latter. It feels good to hand out larger Pell Grants or reduce the monthly payments of debt-laden graduates. But these solutions attack the symptoms of the disease (high tuition and debt) rather than the ailment itself (runaway college costs).

Thankfully, Duncan recognizes this: “Why has this tremendous expansion in student aid not been matched by equally dramatic progress in containing college costs and student debt? Part of the explanation has to be that the higher education system provides few long-term incentives to control student costs and debt.”

It will be interesting to see how the administration translates these priorities into policy. For now, applause to Secretary Duncan for drawing much-needed attention to the real college cost problem.

Banter #31: Are teachers underpaid?

By Stuart James

November 10, 2011, 1:03 pm

Are teachers paid too much? Andrew Biggs, AEI resident scholar, sits down with Stu and Andrew to make the case that they are, and to discuss his Wall Street Journal op-ed on the topic. We discuss the various factors used to measure teacher compensation, including pension plans, health benefits, and jobs security. Andrew Biggs also responds to some counter arguments from AEI’s own education department. As a bonus, Andrew discusses why he almost became a potato farmer. You can listen to the podcast here and subscribe on iTunes here.

What to consider when evaluating teachers

By Jenna Schuette Talbot

November 9, 2011, 11:41 am

If we don’t have a good system to evaluate teachers, how can we assess progress or reward the best ones? Yesterday, the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee held a hearing on the Harkin-Enzi bill to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA)—the nation’s largest federal education law. Despite the controversy around mandating these systems during the committee negotiations, there was little mention of this during the hearing.

The original version of the Harkin-Enzi ESEA bill sought to require all states to develop teacher evaluation systems that relied in part on student achievement. However, as part of the tireless effort to dial back federal involvement in education, the GOP successfully insisted that these requirements apply only to those states who participate in the voluntary Teacher Incentive Fund. The Fund federally supports states and districts who want to develop performance-based teacher and principal compensation systems.

As new evaluations become more promising, states and districts are likely to opt in to the Fund to receive resources and political cover for building better systems. These more comprehensive and objective ways of evaluating teachers allow leaders to better identify the best teachers.

Right now, more than 99 percent of our 3.4 million teachers are categorized as “good” or “great” teachers, even in schools where students fail year after year—a fact that has confirmed skepticism about the efficacy of our current teacher evaluations. However, as we start systematizing these evaluations, many fear that we have yet to get it right.

But there’s a way forward. Harvard researchers Heather Hill and Corinne Herlihy provide policy  makers with recommendations to consider when designing teacher evaluation systems in their just released Education Outlook, “Prioritizing Teaching Quality in a New System of Teacher Evaluation.”

Here are steps we can take:

1.    Invest in a system that assesses individuals directly on teaching, not teacher, quality.

2.    Use multiple criteria to evaluate teachers—including student growth, contributions to the school community, and parent feedback.

3.    Be cautious of systems that rely too heavily on teacher’s value-added scores.

4.    Worry less about the tools used to evaluate teachers, and more about which data schools are using to evaluate.

As teacher evaluations continue to be lauded—at both the federal and state level—Hill and Herlihy’s recommendations should be thoughtfully considered by policy makers and education leaders.

Andrew P. Kelly

For-profits and the Feds: The hits just keep on coming

By Andrew P. Kelly

November 4, 2011, 3:40 pm

It’s no secret that for-profit colleges and universities have been under intense scrutiny over the past three years. Much of that scrutiny is warranted: many for-profits have exorbitant tuition and high loan default rates, and some have been sanctioned for unsavory recruiting practices. Outside of the most ardent for-profit leaders, few would disagree that the sector has had some explaining to do.

That’s why it’s so surprising that for-profit opponents on the Senate HELP committee seem to think it’s necessary to inflate the charges against private sector colleges. Last year it was the flawed “secret shopper” report by the GAO that miscast a series of interactions between for-profit admissions counselors and fictitious prospective students (discussed here by Rick Hess and me; Senator Tom Harkin’s rebuttal to Rick and me can be found here). After the fact, GAO sources came forward to suggest that pressure from their Senate overseers to finish the report quickly led to a breakdown in quality control.

In the latest chapter, yesterday the Senate HELP committee admitted that an analysis of how much GI Bill money flows to for-profit colleges published in September grossly overestimated the amounts. The problem? Researchers had used two years of financial aid data instead of one. In September, we were told that the the amount of GI money going to for-profits grew 159 percent from 2009 to 2010; the corrected data show a growth rate of 86 percent. The University of Phoenix brought in $133 million in GI benefits last year, not more than 1.5 times that amount ($210 million) as was reported initially.

As was the case with last year’s GAO SNAFU, however, the HELP folks have insisted that the revision does nothing to change the “central findings” that for-profits take a lot of GI money.

But this raises a fundamental question: at what threshold would the central findings change? Is $100 million to Phoenix too much? $75 million? Is it the amount that troubles the committee, or the fact that they get any money at all?

The bottom line: In a policy area where it is hard enough to separate fact from fiction, we should demand that our policy makers do better than get it half-right.

In response to my recent paper on public school teacher pay—in which Jason Richwine and I concluded that overall teacher compensation, including salaries, benefits, and job security, was roughly 50 percent above market levels—the Washington Post cites a recent comment from former Washington, DC schools chancellor Michelle Rhee:

“The average teacher salary in the United States is estimated to be around $55,000. Surely your favorite teacher is worth more than that.”

But here’s the problem: average total compensation including benefits is around $110,000, significantly more than teachers’ skills would merit in private sector jobs. And that amount isn’t simply paid to my favorite teacher; it goes to my least favorite teacher as well, since good and bad teachers are paid essentially the same. So we could just as accurately say:

“The average not-so-great teacher in the United States receives total compensation of around $110,000 per year.”

Is that too much to pay? Yes.

Nick Schulz

The upside of inequality

By Nick Schulz

October 27, 2011, 9:47 am

Jim, let’s hope liberals take the CBO findings seriously, but odds are they will draw all the wrong conclusions. Your point about the returns to human capital formation are on point. In a counter-intuitive piece, here’s what Gary Becker and Kevin Murphy had to say about rising income inequality:

We conclude that the forces raising earnings inequality in the United States are beneficial to the extent that they reflect higher returns to invest­ments in education and other human capital. Yet this conclusion should not produce complacency, for the response so far to these higher returns has been disturbingly limited. For example, why haven’t more high school graduates gone on to a college educa­tion when the benefits are so apparent? Why don’t more of those who go to college finish a four-year degree? (Only about half do so.) And why has the proportion of American youth who drop out of high school, especially African-American and Hispanic males, remained fairly constant?

The answers to these and related questions lie partly in the breakdown of the American family, and the resulting low skill levels acquired by many children in elementary and secondary school—particularly individuals from broken households. Cognitive skills tend to get developed at very early ages while, as our colleague James Heckman has shown, noncognitive skills—such as study hab­its, getting to appointments on time, and attitudes toward work—get fixed at later, although still rel­atively young, ages. Most high school dropouts certainly appear to be seriously deficient in the noncognitive skills that would enable them to take advantage of the higher rates of return to education and other human capital.

So instead of lamenting the increased earnings gap caused by education, policymakers and the pub­lic should focus attention on how to raise the fraction of American youth who complete high school and then go on for a college education. Solutions are not cheap or easy. But it will be a disaster if the focus remains so much on the earnings inequality itself that Congress tries to interfere directly with this inequality rather than trying to raise the education levels of those who are now being left behind.

I’m of two minds about this, in part because Charles Murray’s argument that too many kids are going to college today is compelling. But the human capital problems among America’s poor and middle class are real and one hopes that will be the political takeaway from the CBO’s findings.

Sadanand Dhume

The Ashkenazim of India

By Sadanand Dhume

October 20, 2011, 2:59 pm

Over at The American, Lazar Berman has a fascinating story about the high proportion of Jewish Nobel Prize winners in the sciences, a subject that has also been written about by AEI’s Charles Murray. In passing, Berman mentions how, relative to its population of 1.1 billion people, India has produced few Nobelists—between six and eight depending on how you count.

In itself, this is hardly surprising for a poor country yet to achieve universal literacy. Drill down further, however, and you come upon an obscure factoid mentioned by the historian Patrick French in his book India: A Portrait. Three of the four Indians or persons of Indian origin who have won a science Nobel come from a community said to number under 2 million people—Brahmins from Tamil Nadu. They include C. V. Raman (physics, 1930), Subrahmanyan Chandrasekar (physics, 1983), and Venkatraman Ramakrishnan (chemistry, 2009). The odd man out: Punjab-born Hargobind Khorana, who won a Nobel for medicine in 1968. The tiny Tamil Brahmin community also accounts for Viswanathan Anand, India’s only world chess champion, and the mathematical genius Srinivasa Ramanujan.

Needless to say, there are perfectly reasonable non-genetic explanations that can explain this peculiar preponderance. For one, Brahmin priests have a tradition of literacy that goes back to antiquity. For much of recorded history, they more or less monopolized traditional education, which gave them, and their descendants, a big leg up when Indians took to modern education under the British. But this still doesn’t explain why only Tamil Brahmins, and not their Bengali, Maharashtrian, or Uttar Pradesh counterparts, stand out in this manner.

In India, public discussion of this subject is more or less verboten. Caste is a touchy subject, and any such debate would likely devolve quickly into an exercise in caste chauvinism and name calling. Nonetheless, maybe it’s time for scientists to study the over-achieving Tamil Brahmin community with a view towards determining how much of its success in math, music, and science can be credited to nurture and how much to nature. Until then, it’s intriguing to think of Tamil Brahmins as the Ashkenazim of India.

Andrew P. Kelly

What Population Growth Means for Higher Education

By Andrew P. Kelly

October 3, 2011, 3:53 pm

On Friday, the College Board published an important report on the challenge of improving the college completion rates of Hispanic students. The report marshals a ton of useful data on this question, but it’s the projections of the growth in Latino postsecondary enrollment that are the most important. Latinos were responsible for almost 40 percent of the growth in the population under the age of 16 over the last decade; they now make up the largest minority group in America’s elementary and secondary schools. Projections suggest that the number of Latinos enrolled in postsecondary institutions will grow from 2.3 million in 2008 to 3.3 million in 2019. Meanwhile, the College Board reports that only 19.2 percent of Hispanics aged 25 to 34 have attained an associate degree or higher, compared to 48.7 percent of whites.

The College Board report comes on the heels of new research from the Pew Hispanic Center which showed that the enrollment of Hispanic students aged 18-24 grew by a whopping 349,000 between 2009 and 2010 (a 24 percent increase in just a single year). In contrast, African-American enrollment growth was about one quarter of that (88,000) and white enrollment experienced a decline of 320,000 students during this period.

As my colleagues and I warned in Rising to the Challenge last year, these projections suggest that Latino student success will have an increasingly large impact on the nation’s ability to make progress on President Obama’s higher education goals and on its long-term economic competitiveness. Building a highly skilled workforce will require serious attention to the challenges and obstacles that Hispanic students encounter. What to do?

The College Board offers an ambitious slate of suggested reforms that target the entire educational pipeline, from quality early childhood instruction to improved high school counseling to targeted efforts to improve student retention and completion. In all, the report makes ten recommendations, five of which deal explicitly with the postsecondary side of the equation. Suggestions like “keep college affordable” and “simplify the admissions and financial aid processes” are certainly advisable.

Where the report falls short, however, is in making recommendations about how to change policies such that:

1. Institutions of higher education have incentive to not only enroll Hispanic students, but to ensure that they graduate and;

2. Hispanic students have a better sense of which colleges are likely to serve their interests most effectively.

In particular, despite our recommendations, there has been no effort to augment the federal definition of what constitutes a Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI) to reflect student success as well as enrollment. Currently, the definition hinges only on the percentage of student enrollment that is Hispanic (25 percent) and avoids any outcomes-based criteria (degrees awarded to Hispanic students, completion or retention rates, etc). Research shows that almost half of the Latinos enrolled in higher education attend the 200+ four- and two-year colleges that are certified as Hispanic-Serving Institutions by the federal government. Yet there is little conclusive evidence that these institutions promote higher levels of Latino student success than non-HSIs. Shouldn’t we reserve the distinction of being labeled an HSI (and given the federal grant money that goes with it) for those institutions that have the best track records of serving Hispanic students, not only those that enroll them?

When asked in April 2010 about reforming the HSI program, Education Secretary Arne Duncan signaled a willingness to consider outcomes-based criteria, stating that “access is critical … but at the end of the day it is about completion.” However, when asked if he specifically supported changing the HSI grant criteria to reflect outcomes, he deferred, saying, “Let me get back to you on that.”

A year and a half later, the College Board and Pew reports reveal that the challenge of Hispanic college completion looms larger than ever.

Michael Rubin

Yale Loses Its Edge

By Michael Rubin

September 28, 2011, 10:26 am

For decades, residential colleges have both been Yale University’s chief selling point and the feature by which the university differentiates itself from its Ivy League companions and other top tier universities. All freshmen are subdivided randomly into one of 12 colleges, remaining affiliated with it for four years and living there for three or four years. The net effect is that the colleges provide a sense of community—the chief benefit of a small college experience—with the classroom and campus resources of a much larger university. In a society in which identity groups often self-segregate themselves, the residential colleges also enable Yalies to meet a diverse array of people.

While in theory each residential college is equal, over time, they develop different characteristics. Each college is led by a master. Some masters are disinterested: When I was an undergraduate, I was in Davenport College. In my freshman year, the master was a professor of 19th-century Germany and ran the college like a Prussian general. In my subsequent three years, the master was a retired admiral, who, it turned out, was retired not only from the Navy but also from anything which required effort. In contrast, when I was a graduate student, I was for a year a resident graduate affiliate in Pierson College. Harvey Goldblatt, a professor of medieval Slavic literature, was master and quickly catapulted Pierson into the envy of all other colleges: He knew each student not only by name, but also made an effort to interact with everyone. He cheered on the residential college’s intramural sports teams, and even undertook his own alumni endowment to allow, for example, a spring break trip to Italy for most seniors. Behind the scenes, he was involved in administrative issues and stayed on top of everything from employee morale in the dining hall to the length of time scaffolding remained up after work was completed.

Alas, Yale has changed. In the twelve years since I have left New Haven, faculty members tell me that the number of administrators has almost doubled. While Yale University once encouraged autonomy among students to set up organizations, fix problems, and take responsibility for their own decisions, today, an ever-increasing number of deans get involved to regulate all aspects of life and administration. Whereas Yale students could once choose to excel in extracurricular activities or academics, today there is little differentiation: grade inflation and administration intervention has evened the playing field so that a lazy and irresponsible student will, from his or her record, appear equal to one who in the past might have been able to differentiate themselves academically.

The quest for equality and the bolstering of safety nets has not only blurred distinctions amongst students, but also faculty. At some point, administrators—for whom bureaucracy rather than education is a career—decided that it was unfair to have inequality among colleges. After all, if a college master managed to energize both students and alumni, students in other colleges might resent that another master was not up to the job.

Enter President Richard Levin: Replicating what too often happens in liberal society, rather than celebrating success or encouraging competition to keep up, Levin instead sought to encourage mediocrity by “equalizing” the college experience. Alumni who have donated money to their college will now find that their money has been put into a general fund. Perhaps the university will assure donors that their donation did go to the college, but the university—according to multiple faculty members—will simply reduce the budget allotment to the college by the same amount. At the same time, deans regulate what college masters can sponsor and how often: When I was a resident affiliate in Pierson, the college brought in perhaps 50 speakers over the course of an academic year to interact with students, often in intimate settings over dinner. Now, with the university’s embrace of mediocrity, it would be hard to bring in one-fifth that many, because the administration dissuades competition.

Governments and administrators can take two general approaches to governance: They can try to create equality of opportunity, i.e., an even playing field, or they can try to create equality of experience. The first encourages competition and individual liberty, while the second embraces paternalism and mediocrity. Certainly, there is something very wrong at Yale when administrators choose the latter.

Andrew P. Kelly

The Advantages of Charter Schools

By Andrew P. Kelly

September 23, 2011, 10:17 am

The charter school movement officially turned 19 this year, and things have never looked better. From the first school in St. Paul, Minnesota, in 1992, the charter idea has gone mainstream, attracting the support of Republicans and Democrats alike and serving as the centerpiece of a high-profile Hollywood documentary about education reform. As of the 2010-2011 school year, there were 5,300 charter schools serving 1.7 million students in 40 states and the District of Columbia. In cities like New Orleans, Washington, D.C., and Detroit, charter schools have taken between 35 and 60 percent of the public school market.

A recently released paper from the National Bureau of Economic Research suggests that all of this attention and expansion is warranted. One side effect of the maturation of the charter school movement is that more and more charter school graduates are moving through college and into the workforce, meaning researchers can now compare student outcomes that go far beyond standardized test scores and high school graduation rates. Though student achievement is an important intermediate outcome, there is an appetite for proof that charters help guide their students to better life outcomes overall.

In the most rigorous study of longer-term outcomes to date, a team of economists followed students from charter and regular public schools in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school district through high school and into college. The researchers compared those students who had won a seat in a charter school lottery to those who had applied but not won the lottery to estimate the effect of attending a charter school on college attainment.

The results are impressive: among students whose local public schools were low-quality, lottery winners were more likely to graduate from high school, start a four-year degree program, and earn a bachelor’s degree. Even more impressive: lottery winners were twice as likely to attend a highly selective college. The authors argue that these effects reflect real gains in college preparedness rather than superficial differences such as extra help in completing college applications.

As is the case with every piece of research in the charter school debate, it’s best not to overstate the implications of these findings. For one thing, the context in which these findings were produced is important. These charter schools were so popular that they had to use a lottery to fill seats and were competing against neighborhood schools that are bad to begin with. These findings suggest that high quality charter schools can produce better life outcomes for their students, particularly when the alternative is a lousy public school. This is certainly positive news for the charter school movement. But it is also a reminder that policymakers and the public would be wise to emphasize quality, and not just the charter label, in the promotion of charter schools as a promising reform strategy.


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