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Between the Screens

By Rohit Parulkar

May 11, 2011, 9:36 am

Our preoccupation with the inherent evils and joys of social media technology is, I think, slightly misplaced. An article published in Science last year described a curious experiment: MIT researchers set up two online social networks to encourage healthy behavior. In the tightly clustered network, participants interacted with a clique of “health buddies”; in the randomly clustered network, each buddy had no relationship to the other. Incidentally, the first condition proved to be more effective at diffusing and reinforcing healthy lifestyles offline.

Among other things, the research implies that the type of online network we join influences the quality of our relationships. And each network necessarily involves the judgments and personalities of the people who constructed it.

This isn’t a new concept. Most critics covering the rise of Mark Zuckerberg dwelled on the irony that Facebook’s creator was in fact a shy and self-conscious person (or, if you believe Aaron Sorkin and David Fincher, egomaniacal and vaguely autistic). Writing in the New York Review of Books, novelist Zadie Smith rather brilliantly deconstructed the site as an imprint of that personality. She wrote:

It feels important to remind ourselves, at this point, that Facebook, our new beloved interface with reality, was designed by a Harvard sophomore with a Harvard sophomore’s preoccupations. What is your relationship status? (Choose one. There can be only one answer. People need to know.) Do you have a “life”? (Prove it. Post pictures.) Do you like the right sort of things? (Make a list. Things to like will include: movies, music, books and television, but not architecture, ideas, or plants.)

Ultimately, a movie like The Social Network is “a cruel portrait of us: 500 million sentient people entrapped in the recent careless thoughts of a Harvard sophomore.”

Zuckerberg is, of course, just a scapegoat. The concern with him underlies a larger, unique concern with social media: that as each of us settles into our preferred platforms, we come to understand our relationships (and by extension, ourselves) not from behind the screen, but through the filter of anyone’s experiences but our own.

Rohit Parulkar is a research assistant in health policy studies at AEI. This post is part of a series tied to today’s AEI debate between Tyler Cowen and Roger Scruton on whether social media destroys human relationships.

Vanderbilt law professor James Blumstein’s presentation at AEI this week laid out an interesting legal challenge to the federal expansion of Medicaid in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). Blumstein maintained that Medicaid’s state-federal partnership can be viewed as an ongoing contract, in which terms are clearly defined at the outset, but modifications can be made as the program evolves. He argued that this newest Medicaid expansion, which extends coverage to individuals below 133 percent of the Federal Poverty Line and requires states to maintain these persons’ eligibility and benefit levels until at least 2014, changes the nature of the contract and functionally coerces states into accepting its terms (Blumstein defined this as choice-set coercion). For states, which rely heavily on Medicaid for administrative infrastructure and healthcare delivery, the choice between opting out or using funds (albeit federally subsidized) to implement the eligibility expansions is illusory at best.

Blumstein’s legal argument underlies the curious economics behind the Federal Medicaid Assistance Percentage, also known as the Medicaid match. Based on per-capita income, states receive varying degrees of federal money for every dollar they put into their programs. This “buy one, get one free” mentality has encouraged many states—most notably, California and New York—to expand categorical and income eligibility and enhance benefit levels for beneficiaries (in some cases, tricky accounting gimmicks allow them to receive free federal funds not linked to Medicaid). But there is a catch: if a state wants to scale back the program, it must also give up that same corresponding amount of federal money. In other words, “save one dollar, and lose two more.” The Medicaid match has, at times, proven a toxic incentive structure for an entitlement program—one that has unwittingly fostered a state dependency on federal funds and reinforced spending growth for its own sake.

Blumstein fittingly described it as a “political narcotic effect,” noting that “it makes it excruciatingly difficult to phase down a program like this and politically very difficult … once you’re in, it’s hard to wean yourself from these cooperative federalism programs because of the hit you take on the way down.”

There are an infinite number of ways a law can become incorporated into the deep-seated machinations of government and society. Forty-five years later, states seem to have reached a contractual point of no return with Medicaid. But given its expansive nature, it is a safe bet that we will hit PPACA’s threshold well before 2055. For analysts, administrators, and policy makers who have witnessed Medicaid’s evolution, this sort of thinking surely provides an added level of urgency to the law’s pre-2014 legal challenges.

To read more about issues and disparities in Medicaid financing, see AEI scholar Bob Helms’ 2009 outlook. Go here for video of and slides from yesterday’s event.

Rohit Parulkar is a research assistant in health policy at AEI.


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