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Today, I testified before the Senate Banking Committee on the new regime for regulating large, complex financial institutions. If you don’t have the time to read the whole testimony, here are some key takeaways:

 Large financial institutions can be good:

Indeed, there are important benefits to the U.S. economy from having financial institutions with large and diverse balance sheets that can best make liquid markets for large transactions and across a broad range of assets. Large banks are best able to help end-users deal with risks, and to serve large clients in trade finance, global lending, and cash management. Smaller banks also play a vital role in the U.S. financial system and in the economy. But it is a reality that large financial institutions are best able to undertake commercial transactions for large multinational clients that are a hallmark of the globalized economy.

Better oversight is better than breaking big banks up:

The Dodd-Frank Act takes a better approach, which is to strengthen regulation and oversight of large, complex financial institutions, including with features that will help regulators detect, avoid, and respond to future crises. The Financial Stability Oversight Council in particular will help avoid a repetition of the problems in which no regulator had clear responsibility for AIG.

The new regulatory regime in Dodd-Frank does not break up large financial institutions or reinstitute the Glass-Steagall separation of commercial and investment banking. This is appropriate. The repeal of Glass-Steagall is not well correlated with the failures in the crisis. Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers, for example, both remained investment banks, while JPMorgan Chase combined investment banking and commercial banking but weathered the strains of the crisis. I would focus instead on the riskiness of firms’ particular assets and activities.

Raising capital standards leads to a tradeoff between stability and strength:

Increased capital and liquidity requirements on large financial institutions will provide a greater buffer for firms to absorb losses and weather market strains. But there will be an impact on financial intermediation and thus on the economy. Real-world banks react to binding capital requirements by making fewer loans, and increased capital requirements could drive lending activity once again into the less-regulated shadow banking system. Higher capital standards are useful, but they do not escape the tradeoff between stability and economic vitality.

In a recent American.com essay, Peter Wallison asserts that it is “completely frivolous” to believe that the government is incapable of resisting the urge to bail out the housing market. But history is not so kind to this assertion.  Congress has taken many steps to foster homeownership and it seems far from frivolous to envision that Congress would act again in the future if mortgage credit dried up for American families. One can similarly imagine an intervention taking place if the secondary market in mortgage-backed securities locked up, since this in turn would likely lead to a lack of credit for new mortgages.  After all, the Federal Reserve and Treasury Departments intervened in the fall of 2008 to stabilize money market mutual funds, which then consisted of not quite $4 trillion of assets.  Housing-related securities are $10 trillion out of around $53 trillion in U.S. debt. While one can hope that a future administration and Congress in the midst of a financial crisis would avoid particular interventions, Wallison rests on just this—hope.

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Phillip Swagel

Bailout 101

By Phillip Swagel

April 26, 2010, 12:27 pm

In President Obama’s speech about financial regulatory reform in New York City last week, he made this assertion:

But what’s not legitimate is to suggest that somehow the legislation being proposed is going to encourage future taxpayer bailouts, as some have claimed. That makes for a good sound bite, but it’s not factually accurate. It is not true. (Applause.) In fact, the system as it stands—the system as it stands is what led to a series of massive, costly taxpayer bailouts. And it’s only with reform that we can avoid a similar outcome in the future. In other words, a vote for reform is a vote to put a stop to taxpayer-funded bailouts. That’s the truth. End of story. And nobody should be fooled in this debate.

I have two observations on this. First, I find it unappealing for the president to say that a particular point of view is not legitimate. Second, I disagree with him on the substance. Plain and simple, Senator Chris Dodd’s bill allows bailouts. The Dodd bill allows the government to put money into a failing firm and pay off the firm’s creditors. The bill also allows the government to guarantee the debts of a failing firm. Both of these are bailouts. Shareholders will be wiped out—everyone agrees on that—but Dodd’s bill allows the government to make whole the creditors to a failing firm. That is a bailout, as I more fully explain in my article in THE AMERICAN.

The assertion that this is not a bailout because any losses suffered by the government will be recouped by a tax on banks is a non sequitur. The essence of a bailout is the government intervention and the ability to make creditors better off. Whether taxpayers suffer losses is important, but is not related to whether the action is a bailout.

Imagine, for example, that the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) made a profit for taxpayers. Would anyone then say that the TARP was not a bailout? Of course not. In fact, the TARP bill requires any costs to the taxpayer to be made up eventually. So this is already in the TARP. Asserting that the Dodd bill does not allow bailouts is equally preposterous. So I disagree with the president and his advisors on the substance. But I find it especially troubling that he would claim that my substantive view is not legitimate.


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