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Federal quotas are not the best fix for disability reform

By Matthew McKillip

March 7, 2012, 1:46 pm

The Obama administration made a shocking announcement last week when they made public their desire to use explicit quotas in an effort to increase the employment of people with disabilities in firms who do business with the federal government. The mandate would dictate that disabled people make up 7% of the federal workforce, including federal contractors. Even if these new regulations survive legal scrutiny, they are likely to be a nightmare to both administer and for firms to comply with.

Drawing lines in the sand is very difficult with respect to disability. Policing the new quota will be a time intensive but ultimately arbitrary job, requiring a whole new army of federal government compliance officers. It will also be an expensive and frustrating compliance experience for those firms who do business with the federal government. While it is possible that on net it will increase the percentage of persons who are officially counted as having a disability and working for these firms, it is unlikely that it will increase overall employment by these firms or by working age people with disabilities.

Instead, as Richard Burkhauser and Mary Daly propose in The Declining Work and Welfare of People with Disabilities, the Obama administration should seek to fix the broken incentives in our current disability program. Rather than another mandate, the federal government should do something about the current incentives in the SSDI program that are making work pay for fewer and fewer working age people with disabilities. The current system is sending the wrong signals to employers; they are incentivized to shift the employee onto the federal dole. And it is U.S. policy decisions that have made the costs of accommodating and rehabilitating an employee unthinkable.

The most promising solution is experience rating, the mechanism that dictates State Workers Compensation programs. Firms whose workers require more benefits and medical services pay higher premiums, while companies that help their employees re-enter the workforce are rewarded with lower premiums.

Time to pass on sugar subsidies

By Matthew McKillip

January 26, 2012, 11:21 am

During Monday’s presidential candidate debate, Speaker Gingrich alluded to the federal sugar program when he commented that the cane sugar industry hid behind the sugar beet industry. He has a legitimate reason to be concerned about the sugar program. Over the past 30 years, on average, the program has more than doubled sugar prices in the United States and, as a result, cost thousands of jobs in the U.S. food processing sector in order to benefit a relatively small number of sugar beet and cane farmers and processors. It has been a classic example of economically wasteful and destructive legislation that, to paraphrase Mark Twain, robs millions of Peters of 3.4 billion dollars each year to increase the incomes of a few thousand Pauls by about 1.7 billion dollars. It is more than time for the program to be abolished, as legislators like Senator Lugar and Congressman Pitts have recently proposed.

For more details see Michael K. Wohlgenant’s AEI study on sugar subsidies and “Sweets for some, bitter pill for most” by AEI’s Vincent H. Smith and Wohlgenant.

Disability fraud: A pain in the … musculoskeletal?

By Matthew McKillip

November 8, 2011, 5:34 pm

Last week, the New York Times reported that the FBI broke up a scheme that distributed fraudulent disability payouts to hundreds of Long Island Rail Road (LIRR) workers—and the total cost of the fraud could amount to more than $1 billion if fully dispersed.

The extent of the abuse is disturbing; it is not hard to summon outrage at the two doctors who were arrested in the sting:

The doctors were paid—often in cash—$800 to $1,200 for each fake assessment and narrative, in addition to the millions of dollars in health insurance payments they received for unnecessary medical treatments and fees for preparing false medical records to support the disability claims.

The daily activities pursued by the supposedly disabled are numerous and equally outrageous. There’s the man with “disabling back pain” who took a 400-mile bike tour or a woman who claimed she couldn’t stand without pain for more than a few minutes shoveling her driveway for over an hour.

The list of fraudulent injuries gives insight into a difficulty that is plaguing disability policy even in less malicious circumstances: “severe pain when gripping objects, bending, or crouching,” “complained of significant neck, shoulder, and hand pain caused by sitting at a desk and using a computer, and leg pain caused by standing for more than five minutes,” and “claimed to be suffering from severe and disabling back pain.”

What do these all have in common? They are musculoskeletal conditions.

Musculoskeletal conditions are “hard-to-measure impairments” that Richard Burkhauser and Mary Daly identify as a contributor to the exploding costs of SSDI. Administrative discretion in this murky area allows individuals to rapidly enter the disability rolls. It is very difficult to determine what threshold of back pain prevents work and there’s certainly no simple way to determine it through a medical listing. The result is that there is an exceptionally high number of marginal cass; recent data show that 25 percent of admissions to SSDI are based merely on the relative ease of the evaluator.

The LIRR case proves that fraud cases can be a devastating financial drain, but as long as disability policy relies so heavily on administrative discretion, expect the rolls to continue their growth (and the disability trust fund to plunge towards insolvency).

While the long-term outlook is still bleak, the bust may have at least come in time to save taxpayers another financial blow: a lawsuit by another former Long Island Rail Road employee with “injuries to her wrist, back and neck” was postponed after the doctor who diagnosed her condition was arrested in the sting.

The ACRE Program: A budget nightmare

By Matthew McKillip

November 4, 2011, 12:53 pm

As the agriculture and super committees are discussing revisions to the Farm Bill, it’s essential to understand the ACRE program. The full working paper co-authored by Vincent Smith and Barry Goodwin, The ACRE Program: A Disaster in Waiting, is now available—and at least make sure to digest these four takeaway points:

1)      The U.S. Average Crop Revenue (ACRE) program is poised to be a federal budget nightmare, with frequent and large subsidy payments going as high as $10 billion in some years—mainly to large, wealthy farms.

2)      ACRE is not only an expensive taxpayer liability, but also a Pandora’s Box invitation for other countries to successfully file World Trade Organization (WTO) complaints against the United States, damaging trade relations and hurting our agricultural exporters and exporters in other sectors of the U.S. economy.

3)      Do we really want to force U.S. taxpayers to fund programs that increase the global competitiveness of other countries’ farmers so that U.S. farmers can continue to enjoy government subsidies when we end up on the wrong end of WTO disputes, as we did as a result of the Brazil Cotton Case?

4)      From the standpoint of fairness, deficit reduction, and trade relations, ACRE is a policy disaster that should be terminated quickly. And Congress shouldn’t allow any look-alike programs—which suffer similar problems—to replace it.

Taxpayers tricked into treating sugar farmers

By Matthew McKillip

October 31, 2011, 10:09 am

When you dig into your Halloween candy this year, does it taste twice as good as it did a few decades ago? Over the last 30 years, sugar subsidies have effectively doubled the price U.S. consumers pay for sugar. Annual food costs have increased by about $9 per person over that time—which doesn’t sound that large until you tabulate the $1.7 billion net gain to U.S. sugar growers. The sugar costs twice as much, but is the candy twice as sweet? No.

As Vince Smith and Michael Wohlgenant, two agricultural economists, wrote this summer, “That is a lot of candy to share among less than 20,000 relatively wealthy sugar farmers.” They’re not alone in recognizing this spooky policy. Congressmen Joe Pitts (R-Pennsylvania) and Danny Davis (D-Illinois) have called the sugar program “an outdated and tightly controlled government program that is long overdue for reform.”

The true scare comes from the findings in Wohlgenant’s American Boondoggle paper: every dollar of these farm benefits to sugar programs costs the U.S. economy 76 cents because of economic inefficiencies. Should the Farm Bill really be a vehicle for transferring income to wealthy farmers and landowners from poorer average consumers?

‘Occupy’ the Farm Bill?

By Matthew McKillip

October 28, 2011, 2:34 pm

There’s another 1 percent that members of Congress and taxpayers should be increasingly wary of: the 1 percent of farming entities that received over 20 percent of all direct payments from the federal government.

On Wednesday, a broad coalition, including AEI’s Henry Olsen, joined Congressman Blumenauer as he released his Farm Bill reform proposals in a report entitled, “Growing Opportunities.” This report seeks to alter the current Farm Bill dramatically, as this bill “spends too much money supporting large corporations” and does little to help mid- to small-size farmers. Representative Blumenauer’s principles for reform drew heavily from a number of papers that were part of AEI’s American Boondoggle project.

At the event, Olsen (see him talking about the farm bill with Vince Smith in this video) emphasized two areas of overlap: the elimination of the direct payment and crop insurance programs. Olsen highlighted the plain unfairness of Farm Bill direct payments and crop insurance, calling the insurance a system that amounts to a “taxpayer bonus for showing up and doing your job.” No one would stand for these types of payments for any other sector, especially one that’s reaping historic profits like the agriculture industry.

Olsen also warned that reformers must remain vigilant in preventing the expansion of the ACRE program, an area not in “Growing Opportunities.” The expansion of ACRE-like safety nets have been proposed as part of a deficit reduction compromise—but they could cost taxpayers up to $6 billion in a given year.

Adult baby is a symptom of a broken Social Security system

By Matthew McKillip

October 21, 2011, 12:37 pm

Perhaps Stanley Thornton will be the giant straw that causes a policy breakthrough in our failing disability system. Thornton, as The Atlantic reported, is a 350 pound “adult baby” who receives disability benefits. Earlier this week it was decided that he was not fraudulently on the Social Security rolls.

Senator Tom Coburn asked for an investigation into Thornton’s case on the seemingly sound logic that anyone who can “custom-make baby furniture to support a 350-pound adult” should not receive Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) disability benefits.

While Thornton’s unique case is sure to stir outrage, of greater consequence is the SSDI system that he is drawing benefits from. The SSDI is both a fiscal and functional disaster: it is on pace for insolvency in 2017 and it discourages workers from returning to work through an ill-conceived incentive system. Austerity measures that aim to trim “adult babies” and others who can work off the disability rolls is at best a short-term fix. President Reagan attempted it in the early eighties but, as AEI Adjunct Scholar Richard Burkhauser explains, his efforts “were extremely controversial and resulted in a backlash that ended up making both SSDI eligibility criteria less strict and removing someone already on the rolls nearly impossible.” Cuts alone will only delay the reality that policy, not fraud or health conditions, is the root cause of the disability system’s failure.

Burkhauser, author of The Declining Work and Welfare of People with Disabilities, told McClatchy:

This is not a disability crisis in the sense that suddenly our workers are becoming less healthy. This is a fundamental flaw in the system that leads us to increasingly use SSDI as a long-term unemployment program for people who could be in the workforce if they had the appropriate (workplace) accommodations and rehabilitation.

The way forward is a serious conversation about what should be happening at the onset of a worker’s disability. Currently, there is little to nothing in the system that signals the costs to both workers and employers—both are inclined to increase the SSDI rolls on the federal dollar. Drawing on the experience of the Dutch, who have managed to stabilize a disability system which at one point had ballooned to 12 percent of their workforce, we should consider reforms such as making firms responsible for employees’ first year of sick pay or experience rating SSDI taxes. Experience rating allows those employers who do an above average job of getting workers back to work pay fewer taxes, while those who are poor at it pay more. Both of these adjustments provide an incentive for a company to accommodate workers, get them back on their feet, and help them lead a happier and more productive life.


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