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It wasn’t a meltdown in the mortgage-backed securities market that handed Barack Obama a near-landslide victory in 2008. No, it was fear. Or to put things in Wall Street lingo, it was “a lack of confidence.”

As in “a lack of confidence that ATMs would keep dispensing cash.”

As in “a lack of confidence that millions of unemployed wouldn’t soon be selling their Apples (iPod, iMacs, iPhones) on street corners.”

As in “a lack of confidence that your doomsday prepper neighbor wasn’t right all along.”

And it might be a shattering lack of confidence that sinks the fragile U.S. recovery and makes President Obama a one-term president. As the European Commission puts it, “No other economic relationship in the world is as integrated” as the U.S.-EU economies. Keep that in mind as you ponder how a Greek exit from the euro would almost certainly send the eurozone region headed back to where it was in 2008 and 2009. Confidence, investment, and spending would plunge. (A new poll of Societe Generale clients finds three-fourths think Greece is leaving, by the way. And more and more, the markets do too.)

Great Recession 2.0, EU-style. “This type of shock could produce instability at least as extensive as the aftermath of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008,” says Simon Johnson, former chief economist at the IMF. “It would lead to massive redistribution of capital and wealth, forcing some leveraged institutions into instant insolvency.”

And don’t think for a minute that big problems over there wouldn’t affect us over here. “A banking crisis in the euro area and in the EU would most likely result from an exit by Greece from the euro area. The fundamental financial and real economy linkages from the rest of the world to the euro area and the rest of the EU are strong enough to make this a global concern,” Citigroup Chief Economist Willem Buiter said in a report late last year.

Forget for a moment about the impact on U.S. exports to Europe or the impact on U.S. banks. The contagion of fear alone might be enough to push America—its economy just above sputter speed right now—back into recession. The top thing wealthy investors talk about with their reps at Schwab these days: Europe’s debt problems. And with good reason. Unemployment would head right back to 10%, and incomes would fall. We’d be right back in the ditch, and the last four years would seem like a colossal waste of time, money, and political opportunity.

The last time the U.S. suffered a recession during a presidential election with an incumbent president on the ballot was 1980. Jimmy Carter lost 44 states and won just 41% of the popular vote. Obama might not do a whole lot better.

Here’s former Obama car czar and private equity guy Steve Rattner on the Obama campaign’s attack ad on Mitt Romney and Bain Capital (via MSNBC):

I think the ad is unfair. … Bain Capital’s responsibility was not to create 100,000 jobs … it was to make profits for its investors—most of whom were pension funds, and endowments and foundations—and it did it superbly well. … to pick out an example of somebody who lost their job, unfortunately, this is part of capitalism, this is part of life. I don’t think there is anything Bain Capital did that they need to be embarrassed about.

This all seems incredibly and intentionally obtuse—especially given Obama’s own record of job cuts and pay cuts when trying to turnaround the automakers. Of course, Romney and Bain weren’t in the game to directly create jobs. They were in it to make money for their investors and themselves. Then again, the same would go for Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, Michael Dell, Warren Buffett, and just about every other successful entrepreneur and investor you could name. But that is the miracle of free-market capitalism. The pursuit of profits by creating value benefits the rest of society through higher incomes, more jobs, and better products and services. This isn’t “destructive creation”—like, say, crippling U.S. fossil fuel production before “clean energy” sources are viable—but “creative destruction,” where innovation and efficiency sweep away the old and replace it with a more productive and wealthier society.

This also seems incredibly stale since the very same line of attack was trotted out by Newt Gingrich during the nomination fight. Asked and answered. But rather than actually being a legit attack on Romney’s economic bona fides, perhaps the aim of this ad—and many surely to follow—is simply to make Romney seem unlikable to voters. Make him seem mean. Drive down his favorables among blue-collar whites, I guess.

Anyway, I think this sort of ad strategy will backfire on Team Obama since it makes them look clueless on how a free-market economy actually operates.

I am having problems comprehending this Bloomberg headline: “Brown Tax Increase Gains Urgency as Deficit Rises to $16 Billion.” The story is even more puzzling:

California Governor Jerry Brown bet that a nascent financial recovery would lift the world’s ninth-largest economy enough to whittle down a $9.2 billion deficit. Instead, the gap has widened to $16 billion.

Today the 74-year-old Democrat will unveil his revised budget and explain what additional spending must be cut. Tax collections have run $3.5 billion below what he calculated four months ago. Spending has grown $2 billion above projections. The federal government and court ruling blocked some savings he expected, while his fellow Democrats in the Legislature balked at others.

California, with an economy bigger than Russia’s, lost more than a million jobs in the recession that struck in 2007, costing the most populous U.S. state 24 percent of its revenue. The new deficit estimate increases the urgency of the governor’s plans to increase income taxes on some earners to the highest in the nation, and boost sales levies that are now more than any other state.

The plan would temporarily raise the statewide sales tax, already the highest in the U.S., to 7.5 percent from 7.25 percent. It would also boost rates on income starting at $250,000. Those making $1 million or more, now taxed at 10.3 percent, would pay 13.3 percent, the most of any state.

Wait, taxes are rising and revenues are falling. So obviously the solution is even more taxes? Who’s running the show over there, the IMF? So the state with highest sales tax in America would also have the highest income tax in America? As it is, California ranks 48th in the Tax Foundation’s State Business Tax Climate Index. The California Dream has become the Golden State Nightmare …

Charlie is no socialist or friend of Big Government or Occupy radical. But he’s had enough:

No amount of rules, regulation and smarts (Dimon is the smartest guy in banking today) can prevent banks from sometimes losing money. And the bigger these banks are, the more likely they are to have losses with severe economic consequences for the markets and the whole US economy.

See, for all Dodd-Frank’s mind-numbing rules, it fails to address the fact that regulators can’t catch every screwup. If they could, then the Federal Reserve officials who regularly camp out in JPMorgan’s offices would’ve caught the London Whale’s bad trades before they snowballed into these huge losses. …

Plus, Dodd-Frank allows these banks to remain large, unmanageable and (in the end) “too big to fail,” which could leave the taxpayers on the line for a bailout that could easily dwarf TARP and the Obama stimulus. …

In many ways, Dodd-Frank was a Faustian bargain between the big banks and the Democrats who ran Washington in the crisis’ wake. The surviving banks got to stay intact as long as they agreed to the rules that the Obama administration, Rep. Barney Frank and Sen. Chris Dodd offered up.

Sure, Dimon and others opposed much of the fine print, but they publicly supported the overall law — which, in the end, let them keep their mega-institutions, risk and all.

Force JPMorgan, Citigroup and Bank of America to become less systemically important, and they’d then have to sit on a hell of a lot less capital — freeing it up for small-business loans.

Separate JPMorgan’s federally insured commercial bank (where the “Whale” loss came from) from its investment-banking division, and Dimon would have fewer risks to manage — and when he (or some successor) fails, the damage wouldn’t be systemic.

And let me add a study that backs Charlie up, via the Cleveland Fed:

While the Too Big To Fail issue has received wide attention in the academic literature and popular press, there is little agreement regarding economies of scale for financial firms. We take the stand that systemic risk increases when the larger players in the financial sector have a larger share of the output. Our calculations indicate that the cost to the economy as a whole due to increased systemic risk is of an order of magnitude larger than the potential benefits due to any economies of scale when banks are allowed to be large. When distributional and inter generational transfer issues are taken into account, the potential benefits to economies of scale are unlikely to ever exceed the potential costs due to increased risk of financial crisis.

Wow. This, from the highly influential Washington Research Group of Guggenheim Securities:

The JP Morgan announcement has brought new attention to FDIC Director Hoenig’s plan to force commercial banks to sell their broker-dealers.

Our View

·         We believe the Hoenig plan is getting considerable attention on Capitol Hill and it could form the backbone for an eventual legislative response to J.P. Morgan’s losses.

·         The odds are still in favor of the status quo, but a break-up-the-bank outcome has now moved from the improbable to the possible. As we wrote this morning, the odds are now 35% for adoption of a break-up-the-bank plan.

All-star analyst Jaret Seiberg goes on to say that Republicans like the idea because it would give them a way of repealing Dodd-Frank, while Democrats fear that banks are becoming so large that they can exercise too much political and economic power. “That said, we believe there needs to be another scandal in order to move this from the realm of possible into the realm of probable. This is because the moderates from both parties remain uncomfortable with restructuring industries,” Seiberg says.

So one more blowup and the train really gets rolling. Maybe a worsening this summer of the EU debt crisis will provide just such a catalyst.

A new budget and economic forecast from the European Commission shows pretty clearly what has gone wrong in Europe. The above chart shows the composition of EU austerity. In 2011-2012, 1.3 percentage points of GDP retrenchment comes from taxes, while 2.0 points comes from spending cuts.

In other words, a massive 40% of EU fiscal adjustment is from the tax side in high-tax Europe, a region already at the top of the Laffer Curve. Successful fiscal consolidations in general are more like 80-20, not 60-40. Europe, given its giant tax burden, probably should have been all spending cuts.

The EC also downgraded its growth forecasts for the entire region, with the exception of Germany and Great Britain. Here is Jeremy Warner of the Daily Telegraph:

Even so, the forecasts still look far too optimistic. Does anyone honestly believe that Italy and Portugal will be growing again by next year, or indeed that Greece will have stopped contracting?

The whole thing looks worryingly like one of those exercises in forecasting where the policymakers think about what they would like to happen, rather than what will. I’m not saying they are completely incredible, but they do rely substantially on the eurocrisis slowly resolving itself, even though that looks the least likely outcome right now. But the most alarming thing about them is that notwithstanding the forecasters’ efforts to show as much growth as they can just about get away with, there’s no sign of the hoped for progress in Europe’s public finances. Spain is expected to run a deficit of 6.4pc this year and 6.3pc next, both way in advance of the targets agreed with the EU.

As if that’s not bad enough, France poses an even bigger problem. The Commission forecasts that France too will miss its target of reducing the deficit to 3pc by next year without further cuts or tax increases. For a new president committed to fighting the present austerity medicine, that’s going to be something of an ask. The French deficit is expected to be 4.5pc this year, and only marginally lower at 4.2pc next.

The present approach to the crisis just isn’t working, even in core nations, let alone the depression hit periphery. If France is given a dispensation from the new fiscal pact, why should anyone else take it seriously?

From Bloomberg:

Eduardo Saverin, the billionaire co-founder of Facebook Inc. (FB), renounced his U.S. citizenship before an initial public offering that values the social network at as much as $96 billion, a move that may reduce his tax bill. Facebook plans to raise as much as $11.8 billion through the IPO, the biggest in history for an Internet company. Saverin’s stake is about 4 percent, according to the website Who Owns Facebook. At the high end of the IPO valuation, that would be worth about $3.84 billion. His holdings aren’t listed in Facebook’s regulatory filings. Saverin, 30, joins a growing number of people giving up U.S. citizenship, a move that can trim their tax liabilities in that country. The Brazilian-born resident of

Singapore is one of several people who helped Mark Zuckerberg start Facebook in a Harvard University dorm and stand to reap billions of dollars after the world’s largest social network holds its IPO. Singapore doesn’t have a capital gains tax. It does tax income earned in that nation, as well as “certain foreign-sourced income,” according to a government website on tax policies there.

Saverin won’t escape all U.S. taxes. Americans who give up their citizenship owe what is effectively an exit tax on the capital gains from their stock holdings, even if they don’t sell the shares, said Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, director of the international tax program at the University of Michigan’s law school. For tax purposes, the IRS treats the stock as if it has been sold. Renouncing your citizenship well in advance of an IPO is “a very smart idea,” from a tax standpoint, said Avi-Yonah. “Once it’s public you can’t fool around with the value.”

Singapore doesn’t have a capital gains tax? The U.S. does, and it is about to rise by 60% due to the expiration of the Bush tax cuts and the implementation of the Obamacare investment tax—even higher if the Buffett Rule tax should ever pass—a factoid I bet Saverin is well aware of.

Recall when the Brits nixed Barclays buying Lehman back in 2008, not wanting to import America’s financial woes. Well, the Fed just gave the thumbs up for China’s megabanks to push into the U.S. market. Bloomberg columnist Jonathan Weil reports that “after spending time combing through the financial reports of China’s biggest publicly traded, state-owned banks, I now understand what Jim Chanos, the famous short-seller, means when he keeps saying they are ‘built on quicksand.’” More from Weil:

The warning signs about China’s construction boom and state-owned banks have been evident for years. News reports of local-government financing vehicles that can’t repay their loans are so abundant, they are hardly surprising anymore. The Big Four banks each have set up loan-loss reserves ranging from about two to three times the size of their nonperforming loans, which probably are understated to begin with. Those reserves wouldn’t be enough should loan losses return to historical norms.

Charlene Chu, a Beijing-based analyst for Fitch Ratings, wrote in a Dec. 2 report on Chinese banks that “Fitch expects the authorities to continue a selective policy of forbearance and liquidity support for borrowers, including loan rollovers and restructurings, new loans, and bond issuance.” As a result, “asset quality issues may not fully appear in NPL (nonperforming loan) ratios until well into a deterioration, if at all.” By the time any big problems show up in the banks’ numbers, the jig will be up.

From NPR:

Blacks are 30 percent more likely than nonblacks to work in the public sector, according to the University of California, Berkeley’s Center for Labor Research and Education. And roughly 21 percent of black workers are public employees, compared with 16.3 percent of nonblacks.

But government jobs, long considered the most secure form of employment in America, have rapidly disappeared since the start of the last recession in December 2007 — particularly at the state and local levels, where officials have cut budgets to cope with declining tax revenues and the rising costs of unemployment benefits, employee pensions and Medicare.

After the civil rights gains of the 1960s opened opportunities in government, blacks began a steady move into local, state and federal government, particularly in civil servant and teaching positions. And since the collapse of U.S. manufacturing, the public sector has been the biggest employer for African-Americans.

Beyond the jobs themselves, their relatively competitive pay scales have lifted generations of blacks into the middle class. Berkeley’s labor center found that among industries that pay blacks the highest wages, the biggest proportion of those blacks work in the public sector.

Let me quote something I quote in my previous blog post: “Real jobs emerge in the context of patterns of sustainable specialization and trade. Unfortunately, the patterns of specialization and trade that had emerged five years ago were not sustainable. Many jobs in home construction, durable-goods manufacturing and distribution, and mortgage finance were dependent on housing markets with ever-rising prices.”

Turns out those jobs were not so sustainable given both rising budget deficits and their lack of productivity in a more competitive, more technological economy. U.S. Postal Service, meet email and FedEx.

The NYTimes “economics columnist”:

What does it mean to say that we have a structural unemployment problem? The usual version involves the claim that American workers are stuck in the wrong industries or with the wrong skills. A widely cited recent article by Raghuram Rajan of the University of Chicago asserts that the problem is the need to move workers out of the “bloated” housing, finance and government sectors.

Actually, government employment per capita has been more or less flat for decades, but never mind — the main point is that contrary to what such stories suggest, job losses since the crisis began haven’t mainly been in industries that arguably got too big in the bubble years. Instead, the economy has bled jobs across the board, in just about every sector and every occupation, just as it did in the 1930s. Also, if the problem was that many workers have the wrong skills or are in the wrong place, you’d expect workers with the right skills in the right place to be getting big wage increases; in reality, there are very few winners in the work force.

All of this strongly suggests that we’re suffering not from the teething pains of some kind of structural transition that must gradually run its course but rather from an overall lack of sufficient demand — the kind of lack that could and should be cured quickly with government programs designed to boost spending.

Or maybe the reason wages aren’t rising is that the “right” industries haven’t been invented since too many of our smarties are working on Wall Street and not in Silicon Valley. Arnold Kling on why Krugman’s story is wrong:

Modern Keynesians claim the problem is that businesses and consumers are not doing their part. Borrowing and spending is a tough job, the Keynesians say, but somebody has to do it, and that somebody should be the government.

Unfortunately, this view may not be correct. Instead, I believe that the process of creating employment is explained not by the theories of Keynes, but rather by the theories of Adam Smith and David Ricardo. … From the perspective of Smith and Ricardo, real jobs emerge in the context of patterns of sustainable specialization and trade.

Unfortunately, the patterns of specialization and trade that had emerged five years ago were not sustainable. Many jobs in home construction, durable-goods manufacturing and distribution, and mortgage finance were dependent on housing markets with ever-rising prices. In the U.S. and the U.K. in particular, the finance industry expanded well beyond its true economic value. Once the property bubbles burst, these jobs were exposed as not viable. Meanwhile, ongoing creative destruction brought about by the Internet and globalization have continued to allow substitution of capital and emerging-market labor for industrialized countries’ labor in many sectors. Together, these phenomena have caused widespread dislocation.

More government spending will not bring back the days when supposedly triple-A-rated mortgage securities could be fashioned out of dodgy loans to unqualified borrowers … The necessary adjustments can only be made by the decentralized efforts of entrepreneurs. … Entrepreneurs have to figure out ways to utilize resources that satisfy wants in an efficient way. The market mechanism first must undertake trial and error to create production processes that exploit comparative advantage. Until these new patterns of sustainable specialization and trade are discovered, there are no job slots.

From Education Week:

Fewer than one-third of American 8th graders are proficient in science, but most students are improving, and achievement gaps are closing between students who are black or Hispanic and their white peers, a special administration of the test known as “the nation’s report card” shows.

The National Assessment Governing Board released findings Thursday morning on earth, life, and physical sciences mastery on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, or NAEP. The average 8th grade score rose from 150 in 2009 to 152 last year; that’s a statistically significant increase, but still well below 170, science proficiency on the test’s 300-point scale.

Here is why I might be concerned about this study: Economic growth comes from productivity and productivity is driven by innovation and innovation is driven in large part by science and technology.

But do I care who is doing the innovating? Since the actual innovators capture very little of the economic value of their innovations, does it matter if the innovation comes from somewhere else? As long as we can take advantage of the innovation, missing out on the actual employment or profits from a company that creates some new TechWidget or process is mostly irrelevant, right? Let China spend billions on innovation. We can just draft off them, right?

Actually, I disagree with this. First of all, the direct jobs and profits are important. Second, Americans seem to be exceptionally innovative, so we shouldn’t assume if we become less so that someone else will pick up the slack and be as good at it as us. Third, if our workers are tech/sci stupid, they won’t be able to take full advantage of the innovations no matter where they are originally generated.

Putting policy implications aside (I will get to that later), here’s what I would advise Mitt Romney to say about JP Morgan Chase’s trading loss of at least $2 billion from a failed hedging strategy:

Today’s news of huge losses on Wall Street highlights the failure of Obama-Dodd-Frank to fix the broken U.S. financial system and prevent a repeat of the financial crisis. As president, I will repeal this well-intended but poorly-executed law. But we must go further. In the past, I have expressed skepticism about the wisdom of breaking up, shrinking, or otherwise limiting the activities of America’s very largest financial institutions. But when a bank like JP Morgan that most experts think is America’s best run can suffer a loss like this, it’s clear changes must be made. It’s time for radical surgery.

With each passing year, the banking industry has become more concentrated and more interconnected. Half of the entire banking industry’s assets are now on the books of five institutions. Their combined assets presently equate to roughly 58 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product. The combined assets of the 10 largest depository institutions equate to 65 percent of the banking industry’s assets and 75 percent of our GDP. Under Obama-Dodd-Frank, the “too big to fail” problem has gotten worse. And we simply cannot afford another bailout or Great Recession caused by a second financial meltdown.

So, I have concluded there is only one fail-safe way to deal with too big to fail. I believe that too-big-to-fail banks are too-dangerous-to-permit. As Mervyn King, head of the Bank of England, once said, “If some banks are thought to be too big to fail, then … they are too big.” I favor an international accord that would break up these mega-institutions into more manageable size. And as president, I will order my Treasury to immediately begin negotiations to that end.

A Nixon-to-China moment. In one fell swoop, Romney would undercut the charge that he’s a creature of Wall Street and the financial superelite. And given how many hedge fund managers and other investment pros dislike the mega-banks, Romney probably wouldn’t even take a fundraising hit. At the same time, he would outflank Obama on the financial reform issue by portraying Obama-Dodd-Frank as a sop to the big banks that failed to fix the problem. Another example of Obamanomics being more about rhetoric than results.

But might Romney actually do this? Certainly there are plenty of conservative thinkers who favor such an action and could justify it on policy grounds.

Still, I doubt it. I am guessing that Romney simply thinks this would be a terrible idea. I wonder if he sees the issue the same way as Ed Conrad, the former Bain Capital exec who just wrote a book, Unintended Consequences, that will be out next month. I got an early copy of the book, and here’s what Conrad says about breaking up the big banks:

Busting up big banks will only reduce our economy’s competitiveness. A fragmented banking industry may have worked when the economy was highly regionalized, but today the world continues to progress to a more integrated whole, with or without us. … London has already overtaken New York as the world’s center of finance. To strengthen our leadership in the world, we need financial institutions that can successfully serve, lead, finance, and compete in this increasingly integrated and growing market. And these institutions will necessarily be too big and too integrated to fail.

I don’t for a second think a President Romney would let a bank go under if he thought it would shock the financial system, much less multiple banks as may have been the case in 2008. As Romney said in his book, No Apology: The Case for American Greatness: “Secretary [Hank] Paulson’s TARP prevented a systemic collapse of the national financial system.” But to avoid another bank bailout, Romney would do what, exactly? Maybe JP Morgan’s troubles will given him an idea …

Now, we all all know “austerity” from deep spending cuts (not the tax hikes, of course) is killing Europe’s economy and would do the same here in America, right?

Well, here’s a story about austerity that critics such as President Obama, Paul Krugman, and Ezra Klein never seem to mention: From 1944 to 1948, Uncle Sam cut spending by a whopping 75% as World War II came to end. Spending as a share of GDP plunged to 9% in 1948 from 44% in 1944.

Superstar economist and devout Keynesian Paul Samuelson—later to become the first American to win the Nobel Prize in economics—predicted such shock austerity would cause “the greatest period of unemployment and industrial dislocation which any economy has ever faced.” That dire, disastrous prediction was widely held by his fellow Keynesians, with one even predicting an “epidemic of violence.”

Except the doomsayers were wrong, even though Washington obviously ignored Samuelson’s call for gradual spending reductions. Despite cuts which dwarfed those seen in the EU today—not to mention those Republicans are calling for here at home—the U.S. economy thrived. There was no mass unemployment despite rapid demobilization of the armed forces. As George Mason University economist David Henderson explains is his 2010 paper, “The U.S. Postwar Miracle” (which this entire post draws upon):

As demobilization proceeded rapidly, employers in the private sector, full of the optimism … scooped up millions of the soldiers, sailors, and others who had been displaced from the armed forces and from military industries. … The number of unemployed people did increase, rising from 0.8 million to 2.3 million, but with a civilian labor force of 60.1 million, the 2.3 million unemployed people implied an unemployment rate of only 3.8 percent. As President Truman said, “This is probably close to the minimum unavoidable in a free economy of great mobility such as ours.

Of course, liberals are quick to point out the U.S. economy suffered its worst one-year downturn in history in 1946, a drop of 12%. To many Americans, it surely must have seemed like Samuelson was right, that the Great Depression had returned. But no one thought that back then, especially with jobs plentiful unlike during the 1930s. The drop in output was a statistical quirk caused by the removal of price controls. As Henderson explains:

For example, imagine that the free-market price of a pound of filet mignon during the war would have been $1.40 a pound. But imagine further that the government had set the price at $1.00 a pound. Then, when the price control was removed, the price would have shot to $1.40 a pound. Inflation statistics would have recorded some amount of inflation due to this large price increase. But those statistics would have overstated the real price increase because getting beef at $1.40 a pound is better for many of the people who couldn’t, because of the shortage, get it at $1.00 a pound.

Second, those sky-high output figures during the war measured government spending on goods and services, lots of it military hardware, at their cost. But what was all that stuff really worth, in purely economic terms, vs. post-war consumer purchases of homes and cars and nylon stockings? While total output fell by 12% in 1946, private-sector GDP rose by nearly 30%.

Or look at it this this way: Real U.S. output in 1947 was 17% higher than in 1941 despite the decline in government spending. Why was the economy prospering in way it never did during the Great Depression? Taxes were cut a little, and government interference—including price and production controls and rationing—was reduced a lot. But perhaps just as important, Truman dumped many of FDR’s most radical New Dealers. That change boosted business confidence, and companies started to invest again in America.

The typical Keynesian response mostly centers around dismissing the immediate post-war boom as a one-off event complicated by many unique factors. But it happened again, as Henderson notes! After the Cold War ended, overall federal spending fell to 18% of GDP in 2000 from 22% in 1991. But again the economy boomed. Real U.S. GDP grew by 40% with an average annual growth rate of 3.8%. Henderson speculates that perhaps the decline in defense spending freed up knowledge workers to help make technological miracles happen in the private economy.

The lesson here: Spending cuts might well produce prosperity instead of austerity, especially if accompanied by less government interference in the economy and less fear in the private sector of anti-market government policies.

From The Road to Freedom: How to Win the Fight for Free Enterprise by Arthur Brooks, which was published on Tuesday:

In America, the road to serfdom doesn’t come from a knock in the night and a jackbooted thug. It comes from making one little compromise to the free market system after another. Each sounds sort of appealing. No single one is enough to bring down the system. But add them all up and here we are: 81 percent [of us] dissatisfied.

Scott Winship makes an excellent point on income inequality:

CBO finds that the share of income received by the top one percent rose from 8 percent to 17 percent from 1979 to 2007 (the Piketty/Saez increase is from 10 percent to 24 percent). It also finds that this “share” was taken from each of the four bottom fifths of the income distribution (but not from the other people in the top fifth).

When one sees the share of income received by the top rising and the share received by the bottom 80 percent falling, it is natural to think in zero-sum terms and to assume that the gains at the top must have come at the expense of the bottom. This is a complicated issue, but what is not complicated is that if the economic pie grows enough, the top can take a bigger piece of it even as everyone gets more pie.

That is what has happened. CBO reports that the bottom fifth of households saw their incomes increase by nearly 20 percent over this period, while the rest of the bottom 80 percent saw its income rise by nearly 40 percent. To be sure, the income of the top one percent nearly quadrupled. But it is still the case that everyone else is a lot better off in 2007 than in 1979.

It is not a zero sum game. And for the most part—though not entirely—those outsized income gains at the top are due to technology and globalization. (My caveat reflects the crony capitalism in the financial and housing sectors.) And as I have written, the P&S numbers should hardly be taken as gospel on the topic.

And how could we have successfully redistributed that wealth without hurting incentives to innovate and create wealth? And even assuming taxes didn’t change behavior, would funneling revenue from tax hikes into, say, the unreformed U.S. educations system have improved learning and thus reduced inequality? Not so sure about that …

Glenn Kessler is “The Fact Checker” over at the Washington Post. In a new column, he targets this claim by Mitt Romney, in which the GOP presidential contender criticizes the Obama recovery: “We should be seeing numbers in the 500,000 jobs created per month. This is way, way, way off from what should happen in a normal recovery.”

Here is Kessler’s response:

The Great Recession was America’s worst economic downturn since the 1981-82 recession, which was really the second-stage of Long Recession that started in 1980. Unemployment rose as high as 10.8%. Why would Kessler compare the current recession to the far-less severe ones in the early 1990s and 2000s?

And how was job growth during the Reagan-era recovery after the 1980s downturn? In 1983, monthly job growth averaged 430,000 a month, if you take into account the U.S. population being a quarter bigger today than it was back then. And in 1984, monthly job growth averaged 484,000 a month, just a smidgen away from Romney’s 500,000 mark.

Given the current anemic recovery, the U.S. has a lot of catch up to do. With better policies—pro-growth policies—I think we could have a streak of job creation just as strong as the one Romney suggests. Time to retract those Pinocchios.

UPDATE: Oh, the good folks on Twitter just reminded me of this from April 2010 in the WaPo:

Vice President Biden predicted Friday at a Pennsylvania fundraiser that the U.S. economy would be adding up to 500,000 jobs each month “some time in the next couple of months.”

“All in all we’re going to be creating somewhere between 100[,000] and 200,000 jobs next month, I predict,” Biden said, according to a pool report, adding that he “got in trouble” for a job growth prediction last month. “Even some in the White House said, ‘Hey, don’t get ahead of yourself.’ Well, I’m here to tell you, some time in the next couple of months, we’re going to be creating between 250,000 jobs a month and 500,000 jobs a month.”

It looks like China will literally be America’s banker. From the WSJ:

Giant banks owned by the Chinese government are coming to the U.S. The Federal Reserve on Wednesday approved plans by three state-backed Chinese banks to expand in the U.S., including the first acquisition of a U.S. retail-banking network by a state-owned Chinese lender.

The approval is a landmark step for U.S. banking regulators. Chinese banks long have sought access to the U.S. banking system in order to provide financing to Chinese companies operating overseas and to do business with foreign investors looking for exposure to the Chinese currency, the yuan. But they have been stymied in previous attempts by assorted delays and rejections.

The Federal Reserve effectively is giving its seal of approval to China’s bank-regulatory system, a big step for U.S. regulators given their past concerns about the adequacy of Chinese supervision of banks.

The decision could open the door to other Chinese takeovers of U.S. banks, although it is unlikely China will make significant inroads into the U.S. banking industry anytime soon.

In general, I am all for closer economic ties between the U.S. and China. They force Beijing to accept international norms and incrementally cede control of the economy from government to markets. They are normalizing in this sense.

But am I imagining things or have I not read numerous stories about how shaky the Chinese financial system is? This analysis from billionaire shortseller Jim Chanos is typical:

The banking system in China is extremely fragile, and that’s one of the messages we wanted to get to people.

In fact, because what happened the last two crises, in ’99 and ’04, when non-performing loans went crazy in China without even a recession, the Chinese banking system was not re-capitalized like ours was, it was papered over. Going into this credit expansion, Chinese banks are sitting on lots of bonds from the so-called asset management companies set up in 1999 and 2004, and they are keeping them on the books at par, at full value. In the case of Agricultural Bank of China, which we’re short, those restructuring receivables are equal to over 100% of their tangible book. The Chinese banking system is built on quicksand, and that’s the one thing a lot of people don’t realize. When they talk about the foreign reserves of $3 trillion, what everybody forgets is there’s liabilities against that.

Everybody seems to think it is a free and clear open checkbook. It’s not. That is what we have been trying to tell people. Focus on the lending system over there, because everything occurs through the banking system.

Indeed, the Agricultural Bank of China was one of the banks the Fed just approved. Or check out this review of Red Capitalism by The Economist:

Chinese banks were not, in the main, exposed to toxic Western debt and, perhaps more importantly, never adopted dangerous Western methods of hiding risks. But China’s own approach presents these problems in a different form.

To the extent that risk has been distributed, it is largely from state-controlled banks to other state entities in increasingly arcane ways. This distorts external perceptions of China’s solvency. State debt appears to be quite low by international standards (just under 20% of GDP) but when all government obligations are lumped together, the authors reckon it is actually 76%.

The bigger problem, though, is that the system trades almost entirely with itself. Critical information about liabilities and pricing is deliberately concealed or impossible to discern; there are no outside entities establishing prices by bidding in the market. That undermines efficient capital allocation and allows excesses to fester.

Many officials are aware of this, but conflicts of interest get in the way of resolving the problem. As the book details, the whole business of providing, receiving and regulating money involves one state entity or another. It may be in China’s overall interest for the system to open itself up, but doing so would pit the government against itself. That will not happen without commitment from those on top.

Now, it is one thing for a Chinese bank to open branches here or even buy a mid-sized bank … and to buy Wells Fargo or some such. And any merger approvals are far from a rubber stamp. As the WSJ story notes, “During the financial crisis, U.S. regulators rejected a bid by China Minsheng Banking Corp., a midsize lender, to buy San Francisco lender UCBH Holdings Inc., the holding company for United Commercial Bank. People familiar with the bid said U.S. regulators rejected it because of worries about Minsheng’s overall strength, risk-management, and anti-money-laundering procedures.”

But would Washington allow a merger or takeover, some day in the future, of a mega-bank so that China would own a “primary dealer” institution that the Fed runs monetary policy through?

Reuters:

New claims for unemployment benefits edged down last week, according to government data on Thursday that could ease concerns the labor market was deteriorating after April’s weak employment growth.

Initial claims for state unemployment benefits slipped 1,000 to a seasonally adjusted 367,000, the Labor Department said. The prior week’s figure was revised up to 368,000 from the previously reported 365,000.

Economists polled by Reuters had forecast claims inching up to 369,000 last week. The four-week moving average for new claims, considered a better measure of labor market trends, fell 5,250 to 379,000.

Coming on the heels of April’s sluggish employment gains, the claims data could calm fears the labor market was stagnating.

Really, Reuters? I don’t think this calms anyone’s fears that the labor market is stagnating. Claims aren’t even back to where they were when the economy was slipping and sliding into the Great Recession. These numbers just aren’t what you would expect to see in a strong, healthy economy—which, of course, it isn’t. Also, banks are now downgrading their 1Q GDP estimates to below 2%. And 2Q might not be a whole heck of a lot better.

A nice reminder from Pew about the state of the U.S. labor market (H/T to NRO’s The Agenda):

 

Let me give Greece the same treatment that I did in the previous post: Here is the World Economic Forum analysis:

 

Wow, I wonder why German taxpayers don’t want to cut Athens a check!

Just as with Italy, Greece had a malfunctioning political economy that certainly didn’t need higher taxes. Actually, Greece may have been a good case for a low, broad, and flat consumption tax given the problem with tax evasion.

I think these two tables from the World Economic Forum tell the story of Italy, as well as several other struggling EU nations:

Bad government, too-high taxes, too much debt, too much regulation. And the response is to raise taxes? What could go wrong?

Can we replace Tim Geithner with Anders Borg, ASAP?

 

Mega-thanks to my pal Mark Perry at Carpe Diem for pointing out this article detailing Sweden’s amazing supply-side experiment in tax cuts (bold for emphasis):

When Europe’s finance ministers meet for a group photo, it’s easy to spot the rebel — Anders Borg has a ponytail and earring. What actually marks him out, though, is how he responded to the crash. While most countries in Europe borrowed massively, Borg did not. Since becoming Sweden’s finance minister, his mission has been to pare back government. His ‘stimulus’ was a permanent tax cut. To critics, this was fiscal lunacy — the so-called ‘punk tax cutting’ agenda. Borg, on the other hand, thought lunacy meant repeating the economics of the 1970s and expecting a different result.

Three years on, it’s pretty clear who was right. ‘Look at Spain, Portugal or the UK, whose governments were arguing for large temporary stimulus,’ he says. ‘Well, we can see that very little of the stimulus went to the economy. But they are stuck with the debt.’ Tax-cutting Sweden, by contrast, had the fastest growth in Europe last year, when it also celebrated the abolition of its deficit. The recovery started just in time for the 2010 Swedish election, in which the Conservatives were re-elected for the first time in history.

‘Everybody was told “stimulus, stimulus, stimulus”,’ he says — referring to the EU, IMF and the alphabet soup of agencies urging a global, debt-fuelled spending splurge. Borg, an economist, couldn’t work out how this would help. ‘It was surprising that Europe, given what we experienced in the 1970s and 80s with structural unemployment, believed that short-term Keynesianism could solve the problem.’ Non-economists, he says, ‘might have a tendency to fall for those kinds of messages’.

He continued to cut taxes and cut welfare-spending to pay for it; he even cut property taxes for the rich to lure entrepreneurs back to Sweden. The last bit was the most unpopular, but for Borg, economic recovery starts with entrepreneurs. If cutting taxes for the rich encouraged risk-taking, then it had to be done. ‘In most cases, the company would not have been created without the owner,’ he says. ‘There would be no Ikea without [Ingvar] Kamprad. We would not have Tetra-Pak without [Ruben] Rausing. They are probably the foremost entrepreneurs we have had in the last few decades, and both moved out of Sweden.’

But they were not rich, I say, when they were starting out. ‘No, but they were becoming rich. If you have a high wealth tax and an inheritance tax, people emigrate because it becomes too costly to own a company. Ownership is a production factor. Entrepreneurs are a production factor. Yes, these people are rich and you can obviously argue that we want to encourage social cohesion. But it is also problematic if you drive out entrepreneurs from your country, because they are the source of job creation.’

What even Borg did not expect was that his tax cut for the low-paid would increase economic growth so much that it has almost entirely paid for itself. Borg had created something that Osborne’s critics say does not exist: a self-financing tax cut. ‘There was some criticism at the time that we were borrowing to finance tax cuts,’ he says. But Sweden could do it, because it was expecting to return to surplus soon; Britain has no such luxury, he says. His main advice to Osborne is: ‘Keep on dealing with the deficit, because deficits destroy everything else.’

When economists talk about pro-growth structural reforms in Europe, this is the kind of thing they mean:

Here’s a curious fact about the French economy: The country has 2.4 times as many companies with 49 employees as with 50. What difference does one employee make? Plenty, according to the French labor code. Once a company has at least 50 employees inside France, management must create three worker councils, introduce profit sharing, and submit restructuring plans to the councils if the company decides to fire workers for economic reasons.

French businesspeople often skirt these restraints by creating new companies rather than expanding existing ones. “I can’t tell you how many times when I was Minister I’d meet an entrepreneur who would tell me about his companies,” Thierry Breton, chief executive officer of consulting firm Atos and Minister of Finance from 2005 to 2007, said at a Paris conference on April 4. “I’d ask, ‘Why companies?’ He’d say, ‘Oh, I have several so that I can keep [the workforce] under 50.’ We have to review our labor code.”

While polls show job creation and the economic crisis are the top issues for voters in the May 5 second-round vote for president, neither President Nicolas Sarkozy nor Socialist challenger François Hollande are focusing on Breton’s concern. Companies say the biggest obstacle to hiring is the 102-year-old Code du Travail, a 3,200-page rule book that dictates everything from job classifications to the ability to fire workers. Many of these rules kick in after a company’s French payroll creeps beyond 49.

There are now 2.9 million people out of work in France, almost 10 percent of the workforce and the most in 12 years. “For the 100 employees we have in France, we have 10 employee representatives, for whom we have to organize weekly meetings even when there is nothing to discuss,” Haan says. “Every time a social security contribution changes, which is frequently, we have to update software and send our HR people for training. We can’t fire anyone without exorbitant costs.”

The code sets hurdles for any company that seeks to shed jobs when it’s turning a profit. It also grants judges the authority to reverse staff cuts years after they’re initiated if companies don’t follow the rules. The courts even deem some violations of the code a criminal offense that could send executives to jail.

And this is the best, or worst, part:

Hollande makes no mention of labor regulations in his platform, which seeks to generate jobs through tax incentives and government hiring, such as creating 60,000 new teacher posts. He said on April 25 that if elected he would act to counter “a parade of firings” expected after the election: Companies may be holding back job cuts until then to avoid drawing political heat.

Given what you just read, you’re probably not surprised to see how the World Economic Forum analyzes France’s competitiveness problems:

And out of 142 countries, the WEF ranked France 68th in labor market efficiency. The U.S., by contrast, ranked 4th.

 

More and more, Obamacare is looking like the ultimate case study in unexpected consequences. AEI’s Scott Gottlieb:

A family of four with an aggregate income of more than $88,000 annually or an individual earning around $44,000 could find themselves badly strained by healthcare costs under the Obama plan.

Many of these folks currently get their health coverage from work. They benefit from an implicit subsidy built into that workplace coverage that lets them spend pre-tax dollars through their employer to purchase health insurance.

Under the Obama plan, many of these families could instead find themselves buying their health insurance on the new state-based exchanges that get started in January 2014. For a family of four, premiums on even one of the lower priced “silver” options could still cost more than $15,000 annually on the exchanges.

Only their incomes will make them ineligible for the “premium assistance credits” that are meant to offset some of the cost of buying the pricey comprehensive coverage that the Obama plan mandates. These families will also no longer have the benefit of being able to defray some of these costs by spending pre-tax dollars.

People aren’t forced to carry health coverage on the exchanges if the cost of these policies exceeds 8 percent of their pre-tax income. But many families may find that the exchanges crowd out other low cost insurance options. Even if these families aren’t forced to buy one of these exchange policies, they may find few alternatives.

Do the math: A family of four earning $90,000 annually takes home about $60,000 after local, state, and federal taxes. If they lose workplace coverage, and move onto the exchanges, they could find themselves spending as much as 25 percent of the family’s take home pay for an average policy ($15,000 for the “silver” plan).

That’s just on premiums. If they get sick, they could be stuck with another $11,500 more in deductibles and cost sharing, and this doesn’t include co-pays on drugs. The upshot is that the exchange-based insurance is broad but not very deep. While full coverage for a lot of routine care is mandated under these plans – raising the cost of the insurance policies – the overall co-pays on other stuff can still be steep.

1. We don’t know how many people will be ejected into the exchanges as employers choose to accept the $2,000 per worker penalty for dropping coverage. At least at larger companies, health benefits are certainly a way of attracting talent. But the number could be sizable.

2. Employers could raise salaries as a form of compensation for dropping coverage.

3.  Government could raise the subsidy levels for insurance purchased within the exchanges. But it would take more than the Buffett rule to fund that.

So we may be looking at a scenario where individuals have to pay a lot more for health insurance or perhaps pay higher taxes to fund Obamacare—or both.

The anti-austerity crowd on the left just can’t seem to accept “yes” for an answer. Yes, austerity isn’t working in Europe. But for some reason, austerity critics decline to acknowledge that such a high-tax region probably shouldn’t have started cranking up taxes. Here’ s just a taste of the EU’s tax-hike mania:

Greece. In 2010 and 2011, Greece passed a bunch of tax hikes — including a 10 point, 77% increase in its value-added tax — meant to raise revenue equal to 3.4% of GDP. How did that work out? Not so good:

The finance ministry said the central government deficit grew by 15 percent in the first nine months of the year compared with the same period last year. It rose to 19.16 billion euros. That was despite tax increases that were supposed to bring in more money – tax receipts actually fell.

Spain. Heading into 2012, Spain had already increased its value-added tax, excise duties, and top income tax rates. Then last December, its new government, Reuters reported, “announced a slew of surprise tax hikes” as well as spending cuts. It announced “initial public spending cuts of 8.9 billion euros ($11.5 billion) and tax hikes aimed at bringing in an additional 6 billion euros a year” to tackle its debt problems. Thanks to those tax hikes, Spaniards will now be paying one of the highest personal income tax rates in Europe. Investment taxes were also raised to as high as 27% from 19%, according to a Cato Institute analysis. And last month, the government announced it will increase its value-added tax in 2013 as well as other indirect taxes in order to raise about 8 billion euros.

Italy. Here is technocrat Mario Monti’s idea of austerity:

But for the most part, the new austerity package is based on tax increases. It would reinstate a property tax on first homes, which Mr. Berlusconi had eliminated as an election promise in 2008. It would also impose a 1.5 percent tax on revenues brought into Italy under an earlier tax amnesty, and add taxes on cigarettes and gas, which is close to 1.70 euros per liter, or more than $8 a gallon. The governor of the Bank of Italy, Ignazio Visco, said last week that the measures would increase Italy’s tax burden to 45 percent, a level that businesses say is unsustainable.

And Monti again:

With local governments starved for property tax money, Monti has revived the property tax, reinstating it at even higher rates. The property tax “shouldn’t have been abolished,” Monti said, adding that Italy now “needs to make up for lost time, not in years, but in months.” Monti brushed off political criticism that his government was relying too much on new or higher taxes to reduce Italy’s debt. He blamed stubbornly chronic tax evasion for being one big reason new taxes were needed. He also fingered as a culprit what he called the “hidden tax of corruption in public contracts and hiring.”

The economic literature is clear. The way to cut debt is by cutting spending. Tax hikes should be kept to a minimum and best accomplished by base broadening rather than by raising marginal rates. As an AEI study found:

Our results indicate that there are several traits common to successful consolidations. … To facilitate success in future consolidations, our results and the previous literature indicate that a suitable low-end target for the expenditure share is around 85 percent of the total fiscal consolidation. … Of the individual expenditure items, our results indicate that social transfer reductions should comprise the largest share of the consolidation; there is a stark difference between the very large transfer shares in successful consolidations and very small transfer shares in unsuccessful consolidations. Reductions to subsidies, government wage expenditures, and investments should play a smaller, but sizeable role.

… It is more difficult to make a prescription for the revenue items as there is little consensus across our results. … Given these caveats, our results indicate that revenue increases should come from indirect and business taxes more than income taxes, but the magnitudes of these preferences are not clear. More likely the best recommendations derive from the tax literature, which are to maximize revenues where possible by lowering rates and broadening the base.

Putting aside the issue of the euro for a moment, the fiscal reforms Europe needs are clear: Smaller welfare states, less intrusive regulation, and pro-growth tax cuts. Of course, just raising taxes is a lot simpler. Sure is a lot quicker. But it’s not working. I hope the Obama White House notices the tax-hike fiasco going in Europe since it is pretty much the exact path he wants the U.S. to follow.


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