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Time to Cancel CLASS

By Gabriel Sudduth

September 23, 2011, 4:24 pm

The Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) Act, a component of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act that created a government-run long-term-care insurance program, is back in the news, but not because of its outstanding merit. Officials at Health and Human Services have laid off the actuary hired to run numbers before implementation and have essentially benched the program. The program has lost momentum. Emails from administration officials show that it had little to begin with.

In short, CLASS allowed the federal government to sell guaranteed-issue long-term care insurance. “Guaranteed issue” means that the program could not turn anyone down (with some minimum requirements). Ultimately, adverse selection would plague the program: healthy, low-risk people would stay out of the program until they absolutely needed to enter, and less healthy, risky people would enter immediately. High-risk beneficiaries would always outnumber low-risk ones.

AEI’s Joseph Antos warned Congress of this problem in March, in his testimony before the Subcommittee on Health of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. He said:

Without changing the program rules to ameliorate adverse selection, CLASS would still face a financial crisis in the years to come. Retaining CLASS as a federal program would make a federal bailout virtually inevitable.

Some people want to cling to CLASS as a way to reduce the deficit. Sarah Kliff, over at Ezra Klein’s blog, wrote about this Thursday. On paper, there are budget savings in the short term ($70 billion); the program collects premiums early on, without paying out benefits. Adverse selection would eventually cause the program to run deficits, with more benefits being paid out than premiums paid in. At that point, the taxpayer would be left involuntarily insuring a risky and reckless policy.

Promoting long-term-care insurance is a noble task, but this policy wasn’t the way to do it. Instead of simply ignoring the act, as the administration is poised to do, it should go the whole way: cancel CLASS by repealing it and start over.

Healthcare’s Quadrilemma: Tech, Insurance, Outcomes, Costs

By Gabriel Sudduth

September 1, 2011, 6:28 am

Ben Bernanke’s address was not the only one to make news at Jackson Hole. (Rohan can tell you all about Bernanke and QE3.) Jordan Rau over at Kaiser Health News’s Capsules Blog reports on the presentation from Harvard economists Katherine Baicker and Amitabh Chandra (from their related paper) in which they discussed how health spending is affected by technology. They questioned whether we could slow the growth of health costs by shifting away from low value (high cost, minimal benefit) treatments to higher value alternatives. The title of their paper succinctly highlights the tradeoff: “Aspirin, Angioplasty, and Proton Beam Therapy: The Economics of Smarter Health Care Spending.” As a means to that end, they proposed better use of patient cost-sharing and provider payment incentives to encourage more efficient use of healthcare. They call for more information about the cost-effectiveness of treatments. With that, providers and patients could make better judgments about the value of their healthcare spending.

The choice among therapies was not the only trade-off they highlighted. They connected the technology trade-off with the growth of accountable care organizations (ACOs), which were expanded by the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act for use in Medicare. In an ACO, doctors coordinate to provide efficient care for their shared patients. If they save money while achieving good outcomes, the doctors get to keep some of the savings. If their treatment is poor, however, those doctors may have to absorb some of the financial loss involved. Baicker and Chandra’s two main concerns about ACOs are whether they can resist the excessive use of technology, even given incentives to do so; and whether their growth in market share will push prices up, offsetting any savings for Medicare.

On the one hand, an ACO might not achieve savings as expected if it will continue to use more expensive and only marginally better technology. On the other hand, an ACO could achieve savings, grow in market share, and leverage its position to command higher prices. Chandra will present these views on health spending here at AEI on September 9, in an event titled: “Solving the Healthcare Quadrilemma: Technological Change, Insurance, Outcomes, and Costs.” He will be joined by Tomas Philipson (an AEI visiting scholar) and Sheila Smith. Be sure to join us for this lively discussion as they debate the merits of technology and cost-effectiveness in healthcare.

Higher Health Benefits Costs Bring Along More Consumer Control

By Gabriel Sudduth

August 22, 2011, 7:35 am

A survey released by the National Business Group on Health has made some waves in the healthcare world. The group found that 83 large employers expected health benefits costs to increase by about 7 percent in 2012, and that most of those costs will be passed on to employees. (Costs went up about 7 percent this year as well.) Employers will alter health benefits in a number of ways including increasing deductibles (in- and/or out-of-network), out-of-pocket maximums, and premiums. This news is obviously unfortunate and undesired for employees, especially in light of the rising cost of living.

The survey results had one bright light for policy wonks and others who have advocated more consumer control and involvement in health spending:

According to the survey, nearly three in four employers (73%) will offer employees at least one consumer-directed health plan (CDHP) in 2012, a sharp increase from 61% that offer a plan this year…The most common type of CDHP plan is a high-deductible health plan with a health savings account (75%).

Consumer-directed health plans have higher deductibles than traditional insurance plans but are tied to health savings accounts (or similar arrangements) from which consumers can pay health bills. Money going into the account and used for health expenses is untaxed, which encourages saving. Generally, for non-preventative care consumers will pay 100 percent of their bills until they meet their deductible. Employers often contribute significantly to employee health savings accounts.

Because they have more control over their health dollars, consumers with these plans have to think more about how they spend money on healthcare. Sometimes those questions center on whether even getting medical care is worthwhile, and other times the focus is on which doctor/hospital offers the best value for a certain (non-emergency) procedure. The result is savings: less spending on frivolous or marginally beneficial procedures and office visits and decreased health spending overall.

Some critics raise objections about whether it’s right for consumers to have so much responsibility. For example, some people will forgo getting necessary medical care because they don’t want to spend the money. Others may not save enough in their health accounts to cover their bills, which often will be higher than those under traditional plans when still below the deductible. Consumer education about these possibilities will certainly be necessary to minimize downsides. Information available to consumers on health outcomes and prices will also need to increase dramatically to improve their capability in decision-making (see more from AEI’s Joseph Antos on this point).

Still, CDHPs are a valuable tool for many consumers (not all). These types of plans will be instrumental in taming our nation’s health spending. Their proliferation is a welcome sight despite increasing costs of benefits overall.

Health Spending’s Economic Effects

By Gabriel Sudduth

August 19, 2011, 11:04 am

Chris Conover notes a New York Times story on worries in the health sector that its job growth in recent years may be nearing an end. Current cuts to state Medicaid programs across the country and impending cuts to Medicare are two contributors to these worries. Both Representative Paul Ryan’s (premium support) and President Obama’s plans (IPAB) for Medicare include decreases in spending from the current baseline. An opinion piece in yesterday’s Wall Street Journal compared these plans.

In case you missed it, AEI’s Thomas P. Miller had an article this week on health sector spending. He digests a number of recent health economics studies on how spending in the health sector affects the economy in a variety of ways including unemployment, nonhealth consumption, and taxes.

In a recent post, Conover—whose new book American Health Economy Illustrated will be out in January from AEI Press—wrote on the tough task of reducing spending in the health sector:

So long as healthcare employment growth outpaces the rate of growth in employment in the rest of the economy, healthcare is likely to grow as a share of GDP as well. This may distress those who believe we spend too much on healthcare. At the same time, we must recognize that every dollar of health spending also represents a dollar of income to someone employed in the health sector. That makes cutting health spending a two-edged sword. Making healthcare more affordable may seem like a Pyrrhic victory if it is achieved at the price of slower economic growth and/or higher unemployment.

Health Reform That Could Have Been

By Gabriel Sudduth

August 15, 2011, 11:35 am

Last Thursday, Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius answered questions from viewers of the PBS program “NewsHour.” The Hill’s Healthwatch has a brief summary of her interview.

Of particular intrigue is Sebelius’s response to a question on insurance portability:

[Sebelius] also noted the nationwide policies when asked about the difficulty of maintaining coverage after moving to a new state.

“The health care law requires national plans be offered in each Affordable Insurance Exchange in every state and will be available to both individuals and small employers,” she said.

Sebelius tries to shine light on the requirement in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) that exchanges offer at least two national health insurance plans. Those plans might certainly provide some security to consumers, which is commendable. However, she didn’t highlight what the health bill could have done to provide even more freedom and reassurance to consumers, who are largely still subject to the whims of their employers.

Health exchanges are a positive component of the law (though the regulations placed on them are burdensome), but only some consumers will gain access to them. Most (below age 65) will still obtain insurance from their employers. PPACA did nothing to move us away from employer-provided health insurance. In many ways, it even expanded the influence that employers have over our health insurance.

In a more perfect, simpler world, Sebelius would have answered something along these lines: “The healthcare law broke our chains of bondage to employer-sponsored health insurance provision and provided a tax credit available to all. People can take their tax credits and use them in the new exchanges to purchase a plan of their choice, many—even most—of which are available nationally since the bill promoted interstate competition.”

Moving away from the employer-based provision of insurance would be exceedingly beneficial. One of the most-discussed ways to do that is to close the tax exclusion on employer-sponsored health insurance, which is worth about $260 billion annually, and to replace it with a tax credit available to all individuals and families to purchase health insurance. AEI’s Joseph Antos and Thomas P. Miller have each discussed this proposal previously (Antos here and Miller here and here with James C. Capretta).

This idea is neither new nor partisan (see the proposed Healthy Americans Act from 2008, for example). Consumers would have more control, freedom, and securityto obtain health insurance. The government could more accurately manage how much money it injects into the health sector. And we would avoid the unfortunate gaming that will soon ensue as employers navigate PPACA’s hurdles and requirements (see this recent post from Avik Roy for more on this point).

Healthcare Rationing: Government vs. Market

By Gabriel Sudduth

August 9, 2011, 9:38 am

Two recent health news items illustrate the two main systems under which healthcare is rationed throughout the world: government and markets.

In the United Kingdom, which has a centralized healthcare system, the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) has decided against recommending Novartis’s new drug Gilenya for treatment of multiple sclerosis (MS). Gilenya costs over $40,000 a year in the United States—a bit less in the United Kingdom. NICE makes recommendations based on drugs’ effectiveness and cost, and determined that Gilenya provided little additional benefit for patients over existing treatments and at too high a cost. The board’s decision effectively denies patient access to treatment nationwide (for MS, about 5,000 patients). As Derek Lowe summarizes over at In the Pipeline: “Now the United Kingdom’s NICE has said that Gilenya has not (so far) shown enough efficacy to justify its price.”

In the United States, health insurers are refusing to pay for Dendreon’s relatively new prostate cancer drug Provenge. The drug costs $90,000 and extends life by about 4.1 months (median survival). Looking to keep their costs and premiums down (and profits up), insurers naturally do not want to cover such an expensive treatment that provides little benefit for most of their customers. Derek Lowe again assesses the situation: “Health insurance companies, in other words, are balking at paying Dendreon’s price. And you know, they have a right to. The tug-of-war between drug companies and insurance is the closest thing we have to a free market in the whole drug business, and we might as well get what benefits from it we can.”

Under both systems, rationing can seem unfair and is often unpopular. Both hinder technological innovation and development, as does any form of rationing in other sectors. One advantage of a market-based system is that (theoretically) consumers can shop for plans that cover more new technologies, whose marginal benefit and cost may be of questionable utility to others. Those consumers can pay more in premiums, while those choosing plans with less coverage of marginal, high-cost technologies can pay less. (AEI adjunct scholar Mark V. Pauly discussed this type of plan in detail at an AEI event on the topic.) American consumers are still largely tied to employer-based plans and Medicare, but such freedom is more in sight here than in the United Kingdom, where consumers can only protest to government boards and experts.

Gang Calls to Cut CLASS, Long-Term Care

By Gabriel Sudduth

July 22, 2011, 11:27 am

With the release of the Gang of Six’s debt-reduction plan, the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) Act—part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare—has been receiving much attention. Specifically, the gang’s plan calls for the elimination of the CLASS Act. CLASS establishes a voluntary public long-term care (LTC) insurance program that would pay about $75 per day to allow the elderly and disabled who need LTC to stay in their residences and out of nursing homes. Fatal flaws in the design of CLASS have been obvious from its inception, especially the extreme adverse selection that will result as people wait to enroll for as long as possible. AEI’s Joseph Antos covered these issues in his testimony before Congress in March.

In a Kaiser Health News column yesterday, Howard Gleckman points to a recent long-term care proposal in the UK that could serve as a model alternative to CLASS.

[The UK commission on LTC] proposed a new universal social insurance plan. This one, though, would provide only catastrophic benefits for many middle-class and wealthy seniors. Those with limited assets would continue to receive Medicaid-like assistance while everyone else would be expected to pay about the first $55,000 in personal care costs. In addition, those living in nursing homes would be responsible for their room and board, on the theory that they would have these expenses wherever they lived. This approach, by the way, is a common feature in most European systems and the panel estimated it would increase the cost to seniors by about $15,000 a year.

He adds that the UK government would also be spending at least $2.5 billion per year (0.25 per cent of current outlays) in addition to what consumers would be paying out-of-pocket. I can’t imagine a more unattractive package and policy that would appeal less to Americans, especially considering that our savings for retirement are already less than sufficient.

Gleckman’s intentions are good. LTC insurance is not widely used. Expanding its use could increase the well-being and financial stability of people when old age and disability unexpectedly push them into LTC. With LTC insurance, people can protect more of their assets, which they otherwise have to draw from and sell before receiving LTC support from Medicaid—a process that is financially and emotionally stressful. Greater use of insurance would also reduce the LTC burden that Medicaid shoulders, about $100 billion annually.

Nonetheless, LTC insurance is a tough product to sell, for reasons Don Taylor notes over at the Incidental Economist. Before adding another entitlement to our budget, as something like the UK proposal would do, Congress should focus on redesigning CLASS to address its current shortcomings, if possible (many would argue it’s not). It could also encourage greater use of private LTC plans, which would involve modifying tax benefits that are currently available for those who purchase the insurance. Broad dispersion of information about LTC costs and risks would also be helpful. In any case, changing CLASS into another mandatory social insurance program, especially as we confront the fiscal challenges of Medicare, would be an unwise decision.

AARP and Over-Performed Medical Procedures

By Gabriel Sudduth

July 7, 2011, 8:35 am

Back in April, I wrote that AARP could use its platform and clout to help its constituents as they make many healthcare decisions. (I referred specifically to drug choices.) AARP’s most recent issue of its magazine has a column that provides seniors with important reasons to reconsider going through four over-performed medical procedures: stents for stable angina, complex spinal fusion for stenosis, hysterectomy for uterine fibroids, and knee arthroscopy for osteoarthritis. The column’s author writes, “Evidence shows that all [of these procedures] have questionable long-term outcomes for treating certain conditions, and some may even cause harm.”

Some seniors will choose to undergo one or more of the procedures despite the risks, poor outcomes, and costs, while others might use the information to avoid all three. Either way, this kind of information will empower patients to have open and important conversations with their physicians, who aren’t always able to judge accurately a patient’s desire to accept risk or cost in return for certain outcomes. Patients will be in a better position to judge the marginal benefit of every additional dollar they spend. In many cases, as with these four procedures, the benefit is not as high as a patient may initially believe.

(H/T Gary Schwitzer)

A new GAO survey out last week shows that many children in Medicaid programs across the country have limited access to physicians and some are even slightly worse off under Medicaid (and CHIP) than children not covered by any form of insurance. GAO also surveyed physicians participating in Medicaid. In addition to receiving low reimbursements, physicians highlighted a number of reasons they limit their treatment of Medicaid patients. The following graph (from Avik Roy’s Apothecary blog) summarizes the data well:

As Roy points out, the Affordable Care Act (known to most as “ObamaCare”) seeks to expand health insurance coverage by adding 16-25 million people nationwide to Medicaid starting in 2014.  The Act bars states from downsizing their Medicaid rolls, which has forced many to cut their reimbursement rates to even lower levels. Some Republicans have proposed giving states more flexibility to administer their Medicaid programs under federal block grants, an idea which many Democrats have refused to entertain. Currently, states have to check a large number of boxes and satisfy other requirements mandated by Congress to receive federal funds. They also game the system, leading to inefficient spending and administration. Flexibility under block grants (or other reforms) would allow states to address at least some of the above limiting factors without having to navigate Congress’s web of red tape.

The results from the survey would have looked similar before Congress passed ObamaCare, as would the list of issues plaguing the program. These are reasons many seriously question the wisdom of adding up to 25 million new patients to an already broken program.

Presentation of Clinical Trial Data Affects Patient Perception

By Gabriel Sudduth

June 14, 2011, 8:03 am

John Goodman highlights an interesting New York Times article over at his blog. The article summarizes a recent Cochrane Library study that looked at how presentation of clinical trial data affects the perception of health professionals and consumers. One conclusion was that people find relative risk data more persuasive than absolute risk data. For example, I could say that X drug cuts your risk of disease from 2 percent to 1 percent—the change in absolute frequency—or I could say that X cuts your risk in half, the change in relative risk. The latter data point—the relative risk reduction—sounds better and is more influential, even though the change in absolute risk change is small. (News articles and press releases certainly capitalize on this observation.)

That’s not a groundbreaking conclusion but is still worth dwelling on. That faulty perception can lead us to make decisions that are out of line with our values and economic preferences. In receiving healthcare, some people would be willing to forgo taking a drug if they knew that the expected benefit was really much smaller than originally perceived (e.g., taking risk from 2 percent to 1 percent).

As comparative effectiveness becomes a bigger presence in health policy—in part due to the nonprofit Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute created by the Affordable Care Act and funded by a fee on every health insurance policy—relaying information that actually helps patients to ask questions of their doctors and to make choices in line with their values and preferences should remain a key goal. How new data is framed will make all the difference, for consumers and health professionals.

A Snapshot of Health Policy

By Gabriel Sudduth

June 9, 2011, 10:35 am

Debates in the world of health policy have continued in the last few weeks, some loud and others quiet. Here’s a snapshot of what has been going on and what AEI scholars are saying:

Medicaid: States are still looking for ways to manage their Medicaid budgets in spite of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act’s onerous maintenance of effort requirement, which largely prevents states from downsizing their enrollments. Cuts to reimbursement rates, which are already lower than those for Medicare, are a principal option for most. Florida and Washington state, among others, have passed significant pieces of legislation that dramatically reform their programs, recognizing that the status quo is unsustainable. Florida is transforming its system entirely from fee-for-service to managed care. Washington state’s government—in an overwhelmingly bipartisan decision—will ask the feds to convert the state’s Medicaid funding into a block grant, providing the state greater flexibility with the money. As part of AEI’s Beyond Repeal and Replace series, former New Hampshire Health and Human Services Commissioner John Stephen will write a paper highlighting state “best practices” and offering a new vision for a patient-centered Medicaid program.

Medicare: No real political action and conversation has occurred in the wake of Representative Paul Ryan’s budget plan, which would establish a premium support model to help beneficiaries pay for Medicare. In May, Richard Foster, chief actuary of CMS (the agency that runs Medicare) spoke at AEI about the 2011 Medicare Trustees Report. The report shows that a key component of Medicare’s funding would be depleted in 2024, five years earlier than previously expected. AEI Scholar Joseph Antos (on Twitter: @joeantos) reviews and criticizes the current atmosphere of political irresponsibility over at the American Square.

State exchanges: Many states have moved forward with legislation authorizing the establishment of state health exchanges, as mandated by the Affordable Care Act. The exchanges will play a key role in 2014, the mandated deadline for implementation. Failure of a state to establish its own health exchange would prompt the feds to do so. Look for a Health Policy Outlook on state exchanges from AEI’s Thomas Miller.

FDA and pharmaceuticals: The agency continues to receive significant flack for its 510(k) medical device approval process (which was a key topic in AEI/Brookings’ November 2010 medical technology conference). A report released two weeks ago contained the same stats about the process that have damned the program repeatedly in the last year. In other news, AEI Fellow Scott Gottlieb raised concern earlier this week about the feds limiting the free speech of pharmaceutical companies in promoting academic research.

Social Media: A World of Too Much Taking and Not Enough Giving

By Gabriel Sudduth

May 10, 2011, 9:24 pm

No one can classify social media into a single box labeled “beneficial” or “harmful” for relationships and ourselves. Rather, the technology is more like a two-way road that stretches between those two ends. Which direction a user travels is largely a product of his motives for using it.

Two attitudes underlay most users’ approaches to social media: a desire to give (e.g., encourage others), and a desire to take (e.g., seek approval from others). Givers want to supplement their existing relationships with the new means of communication. They make small deposits into their friendships with positive marginal returns (assuming that they aren’t overusing the technology). Examples of their online activities include sharing pictures of a fun afternoon, posting links of funny YouTube videos, and writing funny one-liners from existing inside jokes. These users add to their relationships with others without expecting or demanding real relational progress as a result. Their mindset is the same as someone saving spare change at the end of the day: it’s a small act with relatively limited benefit.

Unfortunately, I think the “taking” attitude is more descriptive of us current users. We may be doing some of the same things as those above, but we really just want others to comment on our postings and share things with us. It’s a quick identity boost, powered by easily-given approvals (the unintended consequence of the giver’s well-intentioned goals). The high from that approval is potent, short-lasting, and leaves us wanting more.

However, good and lasting relationships aren’t made up of quick approvals and comments. They are built on progressive (and often messy) self-disclosure and experience with others that requires risk, energy, commitment, and sacrifice! None of this applies to social media, and from underuse, social relationships can atrophy. The negative impacts on relationships and on personal character are vast.

With this drastic downside in mind, I still have no qualms saying that social media is a two-way road. The catch is that the road is on a giant mountain; there is just one lane carrying traffic uphill toward “beneficial” and seven at capacity going downhill toward “harmful.” Just as gravity pulls objects downward, the tendency for all of us is toward the latter.

Gabriel Sudduth is a research assistant in health policy studies at AEI. This post is part of a series tied to today’s AEI debate between Tyler Cowen and Roger Scruton on whether social media destroys human relationships.

Rate of Urgent Safety Recalls Same in U.S. and EU

By Gabriel Sudduth

February 1, 2011, 10:23 am

An interesting report was released last Friday by Advamed (Advanced Medical Technology Association) comparing medical device recalls in the European Union and the United States. The report’s findings may appear to be anticlimactic to those unfamiliar with the medical device climate: class I safety recalls (the most urgent kind) happen at about the same rate in the European Union and the United States. A 2010 study of U.S. medical device recalls by Ralph Hall, presented at IOM in July and AEI in November, came to similar conclusions. The similarity of our safety records doesn’t necessarily merit attention. But the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approves the most novel devices years behind the EU, in part due to significantly greater clinical requirements that take years to fulfill. You have to wonder why the FDA takes longer to approve devices if the result is not greater safety.

These and other reports are continuing to draw attention to this intriguing and important sector, which is vastly different from that of pharmaceuticals (see the latest Health Policy Outlook by John E. Calfee and Gabriel Sudduth). Small businesses and entrepreneurs are key drivers of innovation in the device world. They have to respond to technological changes that can have lifecycles of two to three years, one of the reasons that blockbuster devices don’t exist as big drugs do. Competition is never far behind.

Over the last year, FDA has done well in many ways in seeking to streamline one branch of the device review process. This process (called 510(k), after its legislative origin) encompasses nearly all devices entering the market, including dental implants, some cardiology equipment, and most laser devices. Among the agency’s recommendations are better guidance to help businesses wade through the bureaucratic categorization, better staff training, and (yet more) guidance on labeling requirements. The process is still very expensive, involving $30 million or more in total R&D costs per device.

Patients and health consumers should hope for similar improvements in the “PMA” (“pre-market approval”) FDA approval process through which novel high-risk devices pass. These devices must be tested in large clinical trials that in the United States can easily take five years or more to complete (remember: technological life cycles can be well under five years) at substantial cost. In the European Union, a clinical trial can be completed in a year.

Excess requirements and regulation for medical devices increase the cost and lengthen the timeline of innovation and development, with little benefit for patients. The FDA needs to work on reducing its risk aversion, to the benefit of American patients.

Look for more on this comparison of novel device approvals in the European Union and United States from AEI’s John E. Calfee later this year.

Gabriel Sudduth is a research assistant at AEI.


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