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Danielle Pletka

Congress and Iran

By Danielle Pletka

May 16, 2012, 12:55 pm

With the threat of a veto hanging over its head, the National Defense Authorization bill heads to the House floor today for debate. Among the provisions are several dealing with the question of a nuclear weapons armed Iran, and what the United States should do to avert a crisis, prepare to handle the threat, or eliminate the threat altogether. Rep. Conaway has included several provisions of his Credible Military Option to Iran Act (HR 4485) bill, introduced a few weeks ago. Designed to enhance both U.S. and Israeli military capacity to face Iran and make more credible a military option (it’s on the table, people, on it!), the extensive bill has support from HASC Chairman McKeon and others.

Over on the Senate side, there are a few more bills targeting the Islamic Republic and angling to pressure the White House to do more to squeeze Iran. HR 1905, the Iran Threat Reduction Act, has passed the House and is languishing in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Majority Leader Harry Reid has a vice-like grip on the S. 2101 Johnson-Shelby Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Human Rights Act of 2012, on which Senate GOP Leader McConnell wishes a recorded vote, which Senator Mark Kirk wishes to strengthen, Senator Lieberman wishes to amend, and Senator Rand Paul wishes to kill.

Having a hard time keeping things straight? It’s not that members are pandering to the pro-Israel lobby (AIPAC doesn’t actively support all these bills), nor that they can’t get their, er, Acts together. Rather, they recognize that there’s so much more the administration can do, from more extensive Central Bank sanctions, to sanctioning the remaining Iranian banks, to leaning harder on others doing oil and non-oil business in Iran. But what members of Congress aren’t doing is using the considerable non-legislative leverage they already have to enforce the many Iran non-proliferation and sanctions provisions already in law.

The reality is that Barack Obama and every president before him all the way back to George H.W. Bush had all the authority they needed to nail Iran’s friends, suppliers, business partners, etc. They simply didn’t choose to. But Congress has the power through hearings, briefings, and more seriously through holding aid programs, ambassadors (in the Senate), arms sales, and so much more to get the White House’s attention. Those tools are reviled by many as too draconian, abusive of Congress’s power, etc. My response to that: Not complying with the letter of the law is the far worse transgression; yet from sanctions on companies that do business with Iran to isolating Iran’s banks to sanctioning Iran’s weapons suppliers, the Obama administration and many before it have simply ignored the law of the land. It’s time to make them comply, not to introduce more laws to ignore.

So, David Sanger had a piece in the NYT last weekend wondering whether there’s a “Romney doctrine.” Of course, he wasn’t really wondering; he knew from the get go what he thought. And luckily for Sanger, he had plenty of Romney advisers to help along his theory. Romney has said that “[w]e should not negotiate with the Taliban. We should defeat the Taliban.” Apparently, this led to “a faction” of Romney’s “foreign policy advisers to shake their heads in wonderment.” I’ll bet it did.

Since the presidential campaign began in earnest 22 years ago (just feels like it), Romney’s team has been scooping up advisers left, right, and center. Literally. Dozens are among his many, multipart, compartmented working groups — my husband and many colleagues among them. They write papers, they do conference calls, they write more papers, they talk about the papers they’re writing. Few are actually certain that the governor is reading their papers (because, how could he?), but they labor away diligently, because they, like so many, are eager to do something, anything, to avert the disaster of a second Obama term. But not all these advisers agree with each other; rather, they are all united in the view that Governor Romney agrees with them, because otherwise, why would he have them?

And so, some lament when their putative leader says something that isn’t informed by their deep understanding of… whatever. And they like to lament in public, because they are, after all, public figures. Not, you know, with enough of the courage of their convictions to go on the record, but still, some. They are writing those “subtle position papers” that seem to have “little influence” on “Mr. Romney’s hawkish sounding pronouncements.” In fact, Romney sounds too much, apparently, like my AEI colleague John Bolton, who apparently leads the “Bolton faction” (who knew?) among Romney advisers. Where did Sanger get this tripe? Not from John Bolton, who was not honored with so much as a call from Sanger.

That bad ole’ Romney, he hasn’t roped in the greybeards of the foreign policy establishment… Brent Scowcroft, James Baker, et al. Indeed, he doesn’t even seem to be relying on what Sanger labels as another “nuanced” piece of work — the Eliot Cohen authored intro to Romney’s own foreign policy white paper. He seems to be… thinking for himself. How can that be? Perhaps, like Barack Obama, Mitt Romney has a world view. It doesn’t involve the United States being one of many exceptional nations (kinda like Greece); doesn’t involve religious obeisance to whatever the Council on Foreign Relations line of the day might be. And pace his many advisers, it is only informed in part by their deeply nuanced views.

After all that, we learn only one thing about Romney’s foreign policy: He ought to be more picky. There are only a few “nuanced” souls who would chat with Sanger in the first place. Most of us have a pretty clear idea who they are. And they should have the gumption to up and quit the campaign if they don’t like what their candidate is saying.

AEI’s vice president of foreign and defense policy studies Danielle Pletka weighs in on the death of Osama bin Laden, one year later, as a part of the Enterprise blog’s latest symposium.

Many of us at AEI have criticized the president for failing to support the war in Afghanistan, for failing to make the case for the fight, for failing to make the case for the war to the American people. Well, last night, on the one-year anniversary of Osama bin Laden’s death, the president did his best to make that case:

“… let us remember why we came here. It was here, in Afghanistan, where Osama bin Laden established a safe-haven for his terrorist organization. It was here, in Afghanistan, where al Qaeda brought new recruits, trained them, and plotted acts of terror. It was here, from within these borders, that al Qaeda launched the attacks that killed nearly 3,000 innocent men, women and children.”

Gone was the claim–made (incredibly) the day before yesterday to a union audience that ”It is time we take some of the money that we spent on wars, use half of it to pay down our debt and then use the rest of it to do some nation-building right here at home.”

Let’s reckon out the ticktock here:

Day one: Obama cuts a political ad in which he suggests that only he is man enough to have ordered the SEALs to hit bin Laden. Romney, he suggests, wouldn’t have made the call.

Day two: Obama doubles down on his accusation at a presser with the Japanese prime minister.

Day three: Obama heads to Afghanistan to ink a post-conflict deal with Afghan president Hamid Karzai, hammer home the notion that he’s the commander with the cojones to take it to al Qaeda.

Unfortunately, the man who did the right thing (order bin Laden killed, commit to Afghanistan, make the case for staying the course) cannot be separated from the “despicable,” “sleazy” politician who waved the bloody shroud this week. (And those epithets were from the Left.) Ultimately, that’s the problem with Barack Obama the president. He cannot separate himself from Barack Obama the campaigner. And he should not expect that the American people will, either.

Should we fight the war and win (a word anathema to Obama)? Or should we “nation build at home”? Should we make the case to the Afghan people, to the Taliban, al Qaeda, and to our nation, that America does not “end war,” we defeat the enemy? Or should we harp on exit strategies and cut corners in battle? Should we preen about a clean “kill” or should we quietly take the battle to the rest of al Qaeda? For the next six months, those choices will be Obama’s alone. He appears to believe he can, Janus-like, speak as commander and campaigner without consequence.

More than a few have compared Obama’s Afghan trip to George W. Bush’s dreadful “Mission Accomplished” speech. But they’re wrong. The Afghan trip was the right call; everything else was the disgrace.

My friend Jennifer Rubin has been working valiantly to light a fire under the Romney campaign on foreign policy, to little evident result as yet. In Washington’s lemming-like spirit of piling on, let me add another voice to the calls for a more lively debate on the issues:

•    Really, Mitt Romney? All you can muster to the accusation that you wouldn’t have had the manhood to take out Osama bin Laden is “Even Jimmy Carter would have given that order”?

Here’s what you might have said: This isn’t college, and I’m not in Barack Obama’s fraternity. Notches on the belt are not what makes a great American leader. What the American people should understand is that a serious leader will do anything and everything to protect the American people without polling, hiding behind the United Nations, or standing on a deck with a sign behind him every time he does the right thing. I won’t make commercials about what a man I was when I ordered troops to take out our enemies, and I sure as hell won’t offload Guantanamo prisoners to domestic courts, sympathetic foreign governments, or avoid taking in high value targets for fear the CIA might violate their human rights.

•    Really, Romney campaign? You had nothing to say about the fact that the Obama administration wants to strike an “appropriate balance” between human rights and U.S. interests in China?

Here’s what you might have said: The equation with China is pretty simple: either you believe, as Mr. Obama does, that China is a rising power to our failing one, or you believe we cannot afford to subjugate our economy and our morals to a dictatorship that seeks to dominate the Pacific and global business. Either you believe there’s an “appropriate balance” between U.S. interests and human rights, or you believe U.S. interests are embodied by a commitment to human rights.

I realize that for Team Romney, the election is going to be about staggering unemployment and Obama’s economic incompetence. But there are some hot foreign policy potatoes out there including Iran, al Qaeda, and Syria. And there are some easy issues on which to draw a contrast with the current White House management, including aid to the Palestinians (really, it’s in our national security interest to fork over millions?), indifference to the Islamist take-over of the Arab Spring (apparently we can’t affect anyone, anywhere, anytime), and more. There’s no need to be defensive; the president made a good call on bin Laden, but his courage in that instance pales next to a record that includes his embrace of American decline, his fear of American leadership, his degradation of the military (and not just the Navy, as the Romney campaign appears to think).

I said it last week and I’ll keep saying it: Give the American people a choice between President “Cool” and President Grown-up. Then let us make the call.

The Fix over at the Washington Post—a political staple in this election year—has a little bit of election analysis out for us the night after the president of the United States slow jammed the news with Jimmy Fallon. The Fix pronounces the meme of the race: Barack Obama is cool. Mitt Romney is not. (There’s some serious analysis of the “coolness gap” after that, but I’m still stuck on the pronouncement itself.)

I’ll allow that Mitt Romney doesn’t seem that cool. That preppie vibe, that business-like, you know, thang he has going. But I’m really not looking to date the POTUS. I just want a leader who doesn’t FUBAR the economy, foreign policy, the military, and the country.

So let’s ask ourselves:

– 10k dead in Syria, how cool is that?

– Iran about to have the makings of a nuclear weapon, how awesome is that?

– Islamists on the march throughout the Arab world, how rockin’ is that?

– Russia’s return to dictatorship, how sweet is that?

– Al Qaeda taking over Yemen, how wicked is that?

Really, who wants a President Cool? I’d settle for a President Grown-up.

Danielle Pletka

Obama plays Iran’s game

By Danielle Pletka

April 17, 2012, 12:26 pm

What exactly was gained at the talks with Iran last Saturday? Catherine Ashton, EU foreign policy honcho, pronounced the talks “constructive and useful.”

Apparently, the meeting was solely intended as a test of Iran’s willingness to have serious talks. And they hurdled easily over what even the NYT called a “low bar.” Iran promised new proposals at the talks, and brought none. Apparently, this wasn’t enough to deter its interlocutors.

So who won and who lost? Iran won, easily. It gave nothing. Let’s tote up Iran’s gains:

1.) Five weeks: Iran’s regime effectively enlisted the international community as its advocate for more talks in five weeks, at which, apparently, there are no clear delineations of what is expected. What’s coming instead, according to the estimable Ms. Ashton, is “serious dialogue,” confidence building, and all of it “guided by the principle of the step-by-step approach and reciprocity.”

2.) “Reciprocity”: What does that mean? It means they give and we give. It means they give more and we give more. You know, like with North Korea. All of a sudden, Iran needs to be paid to comply with its international obligations with reciprocal “concessions.” And Obama’s people agreed to that.

3.) Groveling from the Obama administration: A request from North Korea talks veteran Wendy Sherman, which it rebuffed. Let’s underscore: She asked. They said no.

4.) Talks on their terms: Remember when I suggested last week that their terms would be ending 20 percent enrichment (but keeping their stockpile)? Yup, that’s what they wanted, and the Obama negotiators see that as a great victory.

Israeli PM Netanyahu labeled the outcome of the talks a “freebie” for Iran. He was too kind. The talks were a victory for Iran, and a humiliation for the Obama administration, and its hapless “please meet with me” delegation. The thin-skinned president was angry and slapped back at Netanyahu, yet another sign he’s playing Iran’s game for them. But that doesn’t mean the Israelis have to play along: Today, Defense Minister Barak told Israeli Army Radio that Israel has made no commitment not to strike Iran while talks are going on.

Talks begin tomorrow between the P5 + 1 (the five permanent U.N. Security Council members plus Germany) and Iran. Today, the P5+1 group is having a prep meeting. Talks with Iran are destined to fail, not because I want them to, but because every piece is in place for failure:

1.) There is disagreement among the P5+1 (but particularly between Russia, China, and the rest) about what Iran needs to do to have sanctions lifted and avert a strike by Israel.
2.) Israel, the theoretical sword of Damocles hanging over Tehran’s nuclear weapons program, is not a party to the talks, even on the sidelines.
3.) Europe is more hard over Iran than the Obama administration, which has quietly signaled it will accept a flawed offer from Iran in order to push off the Israelis and claim victory prior to the November presidential election.
4.) Iran has no intention of caving on its core nuclear weapons program; at best, it will offer concessions that allow Tehran to pocket the gains made thus far, continue enrichment of uranium, and reserve sufficient uranium enriched to 20 percent to allow it to build plenty of nuclear weapons.
5.) Iran’s demands cannot be met by the West — or even by Russia and China — as they involve a requirement that sanctions be dropped before any concessions are made. And while Russia and China might be willing to do so, neither has any serious sanctions in place to actually drop.

How do I know these things? Because Sergey Ryabkov, the Russian deputy foreign minister said so. Because Iran’s Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi made it clear in his op-ed in today’s Washington Post. What’s wrong with Salehi’s piece?

1.) The United States never agreed to allow Iran to set up a complete fuel cycle on Iranian soil.
2.) Iran only agreed to exchange an amount of 20 percent enriched uranium after substantial sanctions were imposed, and refused to exchange ALL of it, which was the requirement of a deal offered to Iran by the international community at the time.
3.) The IAEA suspects a military dimension to Iran’s nuclear program, has said so specifically in its last report, and lacks the definitive proof otherwise because Iran refuses to allow access to certain facilities or interviews with particular scientists.
4.) Iran wants “the concerns of all sides” to be addressed, coded language for the lifting of sanctions, an a priori demand made explicitly in Iran’s recent talks with Russia.
5.) Iran’s stance against weapons of mass destruction has been “put to the test”; Iran is believed to have used them during the Iran-Iraq war, and certainly continues to produce chemical weapons.
6.) What about the heavy water reactor at Arak? The Fordow enrichment facility? The nuclear weapons research at Parchin? Not worth a mention.

What is the purpose of Salehi’s piece in today’s Post? Simple: He wishes to set up a negotiation with the West in which Iran agrees to cease enriching uranium to 20 percent, a level easily upped to weapons grade. Barack Obama has already signaled that such a deal might be acceptable. Iran will then pocket its large existing stockpile of LEU, continue its other illicit nuclear activities and achieve nuclear weapons status within months.

What have we learned?

1.) One side of the talks is at loggerheads over the purpose of the talks.
2.) Iran is in the driver’s seat in these negotiations.
3.) The United States is threatening Iran with Israeli military action. Any American action appears to be off the table.
4.) Because of irresolution among the “good guys,” because Iran smells desperation in Washington, a deal is almost impossible, and a military strike by Israel is all the more likely.

Talks aimed at resolving the Iranian nuclear weapons threat will again resume this Friday. In Seoul late last month, the president reminded Iran that it must act with “‘urgency.” “There is time to solve this diplomatically,” Obama enthused. “It is always my preference to solve these issues diplomatically. But time is short.”

But is it really short?  Let’s take a quick run through history with our friend Google and see:

1995: “We view Iran’s action as a major threat to United States interests and international security, and we are determined to stop them.”–Clinton Secretary of State Warren Christopher

2006  “So far, the Iranian regime has responded with further defiance and delay. It is time for Iran to make a choice. We’ve made our choice: We will continue to work closely with our allies to find a diplomatic solution — but there must be consequences for Iran’s defiance, and we must not allow Iran to develop a nuclear weapon.”–President George W. Bush

2007 “The Iranian regime needs to know that if it stays on its present course, the international community is prepared to impose serious consequences,”–Vice President Dick Cheney

2009: “Unfortunately, so far at least, Iran appears to have been unable to say yes to what everyone acknowledges is a creative and constructive approach […] We are running out of time with respect to that approach.”–President Barack Obama

2009: “The choice is clear. We remain ready to engage with Iran, but the time for action is now. The opportunity will not remain open indefinitely.”–Secretary of State Hillary Clinton

2009  ”By the end of the year we should be able to ascertain what Iran’s true colors are on this, and the end of the year is coming […] We’re still hopeful. The door is still open, but the window is closing.”–National Security Adviser Jim Jones

2009  “Iran is very focused on developing this capability […] The clock is ticking and that’s why I’m as concerned as I am.”–Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Michael Mullen

2010Without progress in the next few months, we risk nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, war prompted by an Israeli strike, or both.”–Secretary of Defense Robert Gates

2010: Iran has “no interest in building international confidence that their nuclear program is for peaceful means […] Time and patience is running out.”–White House spokesman Robert Gibbs

2012:  ”I believe there is a window of time to solve this diplomatically, but that window is closing.”–President Barack Obama

March 31, 2012: Iran’s “window of opportunity […] will not remain open forever.”–Secretary of State Hillary Clinton

April 4, 2012: “We want to see a peaceful resolution of the international community’s concerns, but the time for diplomacy is not infinite and all options remain on the table to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.”–Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

Really, is the time for diplomacy “not infinite”? Are we genuinely “running out of time”? Is it truly “time to make a choice”? And are we honestly “determined to stop them”? History would suggest otherwise. And why would the Iranians believe us now?

 

Former UN SecGen Kofi Annan just wrapped a breathtakingly cynical press conference in Turkey, insisting his peace plan for Syria is not dead despite new demands from the Assad regime and failure to withdraw from major city centers agreed to in the Annan plan. Doubling down on his touching faith in the Assad team of killers, Annan is sure he has not failed: “We still have time between now and the 12th (Thursday) to stop violence,” he said. “I appeal to all, the government in the first place …” Thursday was supposed to mark the ceasefire on the ground that followed today’s (theoretical) withdrawal of government troops and heavy weapons from urban centers. The opposition estimates that 1,000 have been killed in the one week walk-up to the Annan plan.

Meanwhile, back in Washington DC, the Obama administration continues to observe the Syrian massacre with equanimity. Why the harsh judgment? Because while Annan should be bowed with shame for his role in giving cover to Assad to shed more blood, we must recognize that he is fronting for a myriad group, some of which – Russia and China – would love to see Assad’s stained hands holding the reins for years to come.  But who are Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton fronting for? What’s their reason to continue to support a plan they surely were aware would fail? What’s their reason to prolong the massacres? Is there a reason that they insist upon non-lethal aid to the Syrian opposition? And if they are willing to allow Saudi Arabia and Qatar to arm the opposition, why are they so enthused about subcontracting U.S. foreign policy to these Wahhabi dictatorships?

It’s been said many times already, but let’s say it again. What’s needed are:

• Safe corridors for Syrians to leave their country
• Safe cities for civilians in which they can shelter
• Arms for the Free Syrian Army, which is far better organized than many wish to admit.
• Overt support for the Syrian National Council, including assistance with a transition plan, reconciliation among parties, a new constitution and more
• NATO air support

Why do this? Because the devil we know is worse than the devil we don’t know. Because the devil we know is also Iran’s greatest ally.  Because it is wrong to watch the murder of thousands – so many children included – and sit on our hands. Because we have an interest in Assad’s fall. It’s just not that complicated.

 

Saturday’s Washington Post brought us another salvo in the Obama administration information wars against… Israel. Yes, the article was entitled “U.S. intelligence gains in Iran seen as boost to confidence,” but the article is intended to convey Obama’s certainty that he will know — let’s underscore that: know – with ample warning once Iranian leaders make the decision to go for the bomb. “There is confidence that we would see activity indicating that a decision had been made,” a “senior U.S. official involved in high-level discussions about Iran policy” tells the Post. “Across the board, our access has been significantly improved.” And so Obama will have lots of time to think about what to do once he knows Iran is determined to build itself a nuclear weapon aaaaaaaaaaaand as a result, Israel should not strike Iran until, you know, after the U.S. election.

Let’s disassemble the main points of the piece:

1.) We’re using a lot of drones. Drones, in case anyone has been living under a big rock, fly high in the sky and take pictures. So we’ve got the view from 50,000 feet.

2.) We’re listening to a lot of calls and reading a lot of faxes. So if any decisions are being made in writing, we’ve got some of that covered.

3.) We’re running covert ops and human intelligence and investing a lot of money in them both.

4.) “Even in the absolute worst case — six months — there is time for the president to have options,” the same “senior U.S. official” tells the Post.

Now let’s review the facts:

1.) Iran’s most important nuclear facilities – or at least the ones we are aware of – are hardened under about meters and meters of concrete.  Drones cannot see through concrete, and even infrared sensors that can detect the heat signature of a cascade (used to create highly enriched uranium) can’t see through that much.

2.) Calls and faxes don’t tell us with certainty what decisions are being made in the highest offices in Iran. At best, they give us an inkling of what may be going on, if we’re lucky.

3.) Our covert ops have been going on for years, and while I have enormous admiration for some with the CIA’s Directorate of Operations, I’m also aware of their many screw-ups, failures, lost networks, work with double agents etc. And the Iranians are no slouches at running their own agents and giving us false information.

4.) Six months?  For real?  First, the Iranians won’t need six months to go for a weapon: Read up here to understand why.  Second, what kind of intelligence does Obama think he’s gonna get? A timeline? This is almost comical.

5.) Then there’s the question of Iranian facilities outed by others, including Natanz and the heavy water reactor at Arak. The CIA insists they were aware of those programs all along. I’ll try to be diplomatic here: Let’s just say that the CIA sees a lot more in hindsight than it does in real time.

6.) Finally, let’s review things that were missed by Washington’s vaunted intelligence community:

• India’s 1998 nuclear tests.
• AQ Khan’s international nuclear sales.
• Syria’s nuclear program
• Iraq’s 1980s nuclear program (the program was a known issue, but its advance was a total mystery to the IC).
• North Korea’s uranium enrichment program.
• 9/11
• The Iranian Islamic Revolution
• The Arab Spring

Suffice it to say, I could go on.

There are arguments to be made as to why an Israeli strike now on Iran’s nuclear program would be ill conceived. There are even arguments to be made for a containment regime. I may not agree with those arguments, but they represent a point of view grounded in an honest assessment of reality. The Post piece, and the administration that leaked it with dishonesty aforethought, purvey an argument based on falsehoods, with motives grounded purely in politics. Again.

There are more, but let’s face it, if the title were Top 246 reasons, who would look?

Let’s start here, courtesy of AEI’s own Maseh Zarif, our expert on the guts of the Iranian nuclear weapons program:

• The amount of 20% enriched uranium Iran has and is continuing to produce far exceeds any civilian requirement it needs for the Tehran research reactor (the ostensible reason for which the regime says it needs to produce such material). The growing stockpile of this material, in fact, is shortening the time required to “break out” and produce fuel for a bomb.

• Operating the Fordow enrichment facility outside Qom—built covertly inside a mountain on an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps base—that even at full capacity (~3000 centrifuges) is not suitable for producing fuel for a civilian nuclear program; it is however, large enough to produce fuel for nuclear weapons.

• Refusing the IAEA: access to certain facilities, personnel, and documents regarding the nuclear program; implementation of the Additional Protocol that would give the IAEA greater verification authority; transparent and timely notification of its activities (e.g. at Arak, site of a reactor that will be capable of producing weapons-grade plutonium).

• The IAEA dossier in November 2011 detailed work Iran conducted in the area of weaponization, running the gamut from acquiring a weapon design to explosives testing using fissile material substitutes to experimentation relevant to testing a nuclear weapon. The agency also cited indications that Iran conducted “modeling studies” as recent as 2009. The IAEA’s reaction? – “The application of such studies to anything other than a nuclear explosive is unclear to the Agency.”

• And finally, for those doubters that Iran is really interested in actual weapons research and design (yes, you, CIA), this tidbit from the November IAEA report:

“The Agency has other information from Member States which indicates that some activities previously carried out under the AMAD Plan were resumed later, and that Mr [Mohsen]Fakhrizadeh retained the principal organizational role, first under a new organization known as the Section for Advanced Development Applications and Technologies (SADAT), which continued to report to MODAFL, and later, in mid-2008, as the head of the Malek Ashtar University of Technology (MUT) in Tehran. The Agency has been advised by a Member State that, in February 2011, Mr Fakhrizadeh moved his seat of operations from MUT to an adjacent location known  as the Modjeh Site, and that he now leads the Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research. The Agency is concerned because some of the activities undertaken after 2003 would be highly relevant to a nuclear weapon program me.”

Here’s Maseh’s latest on the Iranian Program, including timelines for breakout.  Expect an update on that report next week.

David Ignatius has yet another Iran leak from the White House. Here’s the gist: Obama told his close buddy Turkish PM Erdogan to tell his close buddy Ayatollah Khamenei that as long as Iran doesn’t seek nuclear weapons, Obama’s cool with them keeping their nuclear program. But …dun, dun, duuuuuhhhhn… time is running out. Message delivered.

Let’s break this one down into some Q&A:

Why leak this now?  (Remember, the last leak came from Panetta, who told Ignatius when he thought Israel would bomb Iran.)

Ostensible reason: Talks with Iran are scheduled for next week, but Tehran is now balking at the Istanbul venue, so the talks are up in the air. This puts the Iranians on notice that…dun, dun, duuuuuhhhhn… time is running out.

Probable reason: Obama wants to signal the shape of a deal to the Iranians so they can come to the table with an offer that stops the Israelis from bombing before the U.S. election.

Why promise the Iranians they can have a licit nuclear program given they’ve used it as cover for their illicit program for decades?

Ostensible reason: See above.

Probable reason: Obama isn’t overly exercised about Iranian cheating; just cheating before the November election.

Why pass the message to Erdogan, whom Ignatius describes as having a “close relationship” with Obama?

Reason: Because Erdogan, the very model of a modern Islamist leader, friend to the Muslim Brotherhood and all ’round anti-democrat, also has a “close relationship” with Khamenei.

Lesson: Let’s get this straight – Obama hates Netanyahu, hates Sarkozy, loves Medvedev, admires Putin, and is “close” to Erdogan.  Awesome taste.

Why signal to the Iranians that they can make a deal that allows them complete freedom under the very Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty they’ve serially abused?

Because apparently all Obama wants is a piece of paper; not a real end to the Iranian nuclear program.

What does “time is running out” mean?

Ostensible reason: The U.S. might strike Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Real reason: Israel might strike Iran’s nuclear facilities unless they’re persuaded there will be a real end to Iran’s weapons programs.

 

Next up:  The Top Five Things Iran is doing that reveal it has a nuclear weapons program.

 

Danielle Pletka

Harry Reid, tough on Iran

By Danielle Pletka

April 3, 2012, 6:12 pm

Once upon a time, Congress led the nation’s foreign policy on Iran, forcing one after another recalcitrant president to use our nation’s economic might to derail Iran’s nuclear weapons program. Once upon a time, even recalcitrant presidents looked better than European nations, which fawned over visiting Iranian trade missions and reciprocated with their own subsidized business deals. Yeah, that’s not the world we live in now.

When we say “Congress” leads the way on Iran these days, we often mean Senator Mark Kirk, who does so even after a debilitating stroke.  When we say “recalcitrant presidents,” we mean one who won’t sanction the Iranian Central Bank unless forced to do so. And when we say “better than Europe,” we mean, um, worse than Europe, which now has sweeping financial and personal sanctions against Iranian leaders, terrorist supporters, etc.

The latest in this saga of pathetic degradation in international leadership is the tale of Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, never exactly a tribune of foreign policy. Last week in the waning days before Easter recess, Reid brought up a decent enough bill, the Johnson-Shelby Iran Sanctions Accountability and Human Rights Act of 2012, which adds a variety of sanctions to the smorgasbord now in place. Why did Reid bring the bill up? Not because he gives a rodent’s behind about the Iran issue, for sure, but because, reliable party man that he is, he wanted to ensure that it appeared so. And that’s his right as majority leader. What was amazing was his insistence that the Johnson-Shelby bill go forward without amendment, by unanimous consent, and his adamant refusal to accept amendments, despite requests from Ds and Rs alike that he do so.

One has to suppose that in an environment in which the president deems the Supreme Court a group of unelected hacks, the Senate no longer defends its constitutional prerogatives, and a guy with a stroke is the muscular general in the fight against Iran, nothing should surprise.

Saturday’s NYT had a piece bylined by James Risen about the Ghosts of Iraq Haunting CIA in Tackling Iran. It’s a Captain Obvious story in conception: anyone who pays attention knows that the CIA that saw no weapons in Iraq (wrong, 1991), tons of weapons in Iraq (wrong, 2002), and now sees no weaponization of nuclear material in Iran (wrong 2007, 2012) spends all of its time re-fighting the last war. Still, it’s always interesting to get the skinny from the belly of the beast, so I dove into Risen’s piece. And, boy, did I come out smelling like, well, the belly of the beast.

Greg Thielmann begins the bidding with the deep insight that “for a lot of people in the intelligence community, there is a feeling that they don’t want to repeat the same mistake.” Thanks, Greg.  The rest of us in the real world community like to repeat the same mistake. Who’s Greg?  Oh yes, he resigned his State Department analyst job to protest the Bush administration’s “politicization” of prewar Iraq intel.

Segue to Paul Pillar, former national intelligence officer for the Near East and South Asia, recent author of “We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran,” and all-round Bush hater. (Here’s my recent take on him.)  He’ll have an objective take.

We are then reassured that the IC now gets more dope on human sources so they can, you know, discount stuff they think isn’t worthwhile.  But back to Risen’s sources: Next we have Joe Cirincione, president of Ploughshares, devoted enemy of nuclear weapons—but mostly those in America, less those in Iran. Joe gives us his take on past history and on Iran: “The intelligence was so heavily politicized on Iraq,” he comments dispassionately. “The higher up the chain in the government the intelligence reporting went, the more it got massaged, and the doubts and caveats got removed.” Uh, what? The bipartisan Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction reported that: “[a]fter a thorough review, the Commission found no indication that the Intelligence Community distorted the evidence regarding Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction. What the intelligence professionals told you about Saddam Hussein’s programs was what they believed. They were simply wrong.”  Having watched the intel closely from 1992-2002, I can confirm no “massaging” was ever necessary.

Finally, we get an opposing view from AEI’s own John Bolton, who speaks for the “some conservatives” mentioned in the piece. (“Some liberals” aren’t mentioned, presumably because at the NYT, liberalism is mainstream, and conservatism is worthy of special annotation.) But Risen moves quickly back to favored topics and sources: He revisits the highly politicized 2007 NIE that claimed Iran had ceased its nuclear weaponization work in 2003, revising the actual narrative (then National Security Adviser Steve Hadley was told that if he tried to in any way alter the outrageously politicized conclusions of that NIE, the agency would leak his demand and create a scandal) to one that reflects favorably on the agency and on the NIE’s authors, one of whom, Tom Fingar, is the next source quoted in this balanced bit of reporting.   “Learning from past mistakes is imperative,” Fingar confides to Risen. “Worrying about them is pointless.” Gotcha.

 

This story isn’t getting enough play, and it deserves more. Ludlum couldn’t have written it better. Here are the highlights:

In a complaint filed yesterday in U.S. District Court, Turkcell Iletisim Hizmetleri, aka Turkcell, the Turkish mobile media giant, alleges that MTN Group Ltd, Africa’s largest mobile operator, bribed Iranians, sold South African votes at the IAEA and UN, and otherwise prostituted South African foreign policy to oust Turkcell from its contract in Iran and gain the lucrative market for itself.

Wait, it gets better. There’s “Long-J,” Iran’s former deputy former minister Javid Ghorbanoghli (allegedly bribed). There’s “Short-J,” Yusuf Saloojee, South Africa’s ambassador in Tehran in 2004 (also allegedly bribed).

There’s arms for cellphone contracts—allegedly including “Denel AH-2 Rooivalk helicopters, encrypted military radios, sniper rifles, G5 howitzer artillery weapons, cannons, armored personnel carriers and radar technology.” The whole arms list was supposedly codenamed “The Fish.”

There are clandestine visits between Supreme Leader Khamenei emissary Ali Larijani to then South African President Thabo Mbeki, allegedly in 2007. And another, allegedly, from then Iranian foreign minister Manouchehr Mottaki.

Needless to say, ex-Clinton counsel Lanny Davis represents MTN’s law firm. Of course he does. Who will Angelina play? Hard to tell yet.

Read the whole story here.

The Beeb once had (and perhaps still has) a great segment called “without comment” in which clips of incredible things are played. Here’s your print version of our own “without comment” today, from yesterday’s jaw-dropping daily State Department presser discussing the suspension of food aid to North Korea.

QUESTION: But what about the whole idea that you don’t link food with political discussions?

MS. NULAND: Well, we’ve talked about this before. We talked about it on the day that this initially came up. We don’t link food with the nuclear issue, but we do have to have confidence in the commitments that the government is making to us with regard to the monitoring situation before one could go forward. This is a government that turned around in a matter of weeks and undid what it had said on the nuclear side, so how can one have confidence in what they’ve said on the monitoring side? And we’re not going to send food to a country where it might be diverted to the elites. That’s not what the American taxpayers want to support.

QUESTION: But that does make it sound like it’s a link.

MS. NULAND: There’s a link in the sense that we don’t have confidence in the good faith of the government.

QUESTION: I’m confused by that because you said that nutritional assistance, not food aid, would be done in such a way that it would be impossible to divert. You were talking about baby vitamins and things like this.

MS. NULAND: But again, we have to be able to get it in in the way that we’ve agreed, we have to be able to distribute it with the groups that we’ve agreed, we have to be able to have the monitoring ourselves on it that we’ve agreed to. All of that requires the government’s cooperation.

QUESTION: Well, have they said that they won’t cooperate on that particular issue?

MS. NULAND: We haven’t had those conversations. We’ve simply said: Do not have your space launch here.

QUESTION: So how do you know that they wouldn’t keep their word if it were a matter of –

MS. NULAND: Because we have no confidence in their good faith right now.

Lalit.

QUESTION: But I don’t understand on it. I’m sorry. Just – I don’t understand how this is not linking your dissatisfaction with them on the nuclear and political issue and the food assistance. You don’t know whether they would make good on their commitments to allow monitors and food, on the food, because you won’t talk to them because you’re mad at them about the nuclear issue.

MS. NULAND: We don’t have confidence in their good faith. If they want to restore our confidence in their good faith, they can cancel the plans to launch this satellite.

QUESTION: No, but how is that not linking it, Toria?

MS. NULAND: We – as I said, we have concerns about whether one can make a deal of any kind with this government. It’s a – they are separate issues, but they come together at the point of whether the government’s acting in good faith.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) said that this missile is based on old technology; that is, actually, it is in existence. That’s old SCUD engine. And what the Koreans are doing is really posturing, so why make such a big deal out of it?

MS. NULAND: It’s not a matter of what they’re putting in the sky. It’s a matter of how they launch it, which uses ballistic missile technology, which is precluded under UN Security Council Resolution 1874.

Okay.

I keep replaying the video in my mind of the leader of the free world running a game of three card monte with the Russian government against the American people—especially that godawful little gesture where Obama reaches toward Medvedev for an intimate moment:

More than the image and the statement itself, however, I think about the implications of what Obama said to Medvedev, and what other intimate moments we may have in store. Imagine:

President Obama: On all these issues, but particularly your nuclear program, this, this can be solved but it’s important to give me space.

President Ahmadinejad : Yeah, I understand. I understand your message about space. Space for you…

President Obama: This is my last election. After my election I have more flexibility.

President Ahmadinejad: I understand. I will transmit this information to the Supreme Leader.

Or this:

President Obama: On all these issues, but particularly your war on your own people, this, this can be solved but it’s important to give me space.

President Assad: Yeah, I understand. I understand your message about space. Space for you…

President Obama: This is my last election. After my election I have more flexibility.

President Assad: I understand. I will transmit this information to Ayatollah Khamenei.

Or this:

President Obama: On all these issues, but particularly your plans to dominate the Pacific, this, this can be solved but it’s important to give me space.

Chinese General Secretary Hu Jintao: Yeah, I understand. I understand your message about space. Space for you…

President Obama: This is my last election. After my election I have more flexibility.

Hu: I understand. I will transmit this information to the Central Committee of the Community Party.

Drudge is leading with Obama’s revealing open mike chat with outgoing Russian President Medvedev. Here’s the whole convo, courtesy of abcnews:

President Obama: On all these issues, but particularly missile defense, this, this can be solved but it’s important for him to give me space.

President Medvedev: Yeah, I understand. I understand your message about space. Space for you…

President Obama: This is my last election. After my election I have more flexibility.

President Medvedev: I understand. I will transmit this information to Vladimir.

Taking the president’s last statement at face value, it’s little more than an admission of naked truth. After his re-election, he will have more flexibility. That’s why many Americans don’t want to see him re-elected. Many enough? Who knows.

But the Obama whisper—like his previous open mike chat with French President Sarkozy letting on that he can’t stand Israeli PM Netanyahu—tells us more. Here are five lessons about the real etch-a-sketch president:

1.    The Bibi-hating, Iran-failing, American-decline embracing Obama is not the real Obama. The real Obama is much worse.

2.    Still, this Obama has no problem in allowing the same Russians who stole their latest election to think that he too lies to the American people in order to get reelected.

3.    He has no intention of keeping his missile defense deal with Congress.

4.    He is totally cool with the farce of Russian democracy, something Medvedev will also likely “tell Vladimir.”

5.    He will say anything and work with anyone to further his reelection.

Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee John Kerry has an op-ed in today’s Washington Post entitled Romney’s wrong-headed assertions about Iran. The piece is so… Amazing, one hardly knows where to begin.

Let’s start with the premise: Romney is “interfering.” Lest Senator Kerry forget, let us remind him that any citizen of the United States has the right to “interfere” as Romney has, on any question, be it Iran, Iraq, or the fecklessness of the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

From there, let’s move in order of Kerry’s arguments. He is cross that Romney did not support the New START treaty, which apparently separated the GOP frontrunner from—insert list of Republican members of the establishment here—and “a third of Senate Republicans.” So let’s get this straight: two thirds of the elected Senate Republicans agreed with Romney and disagreed with speech-giving, conference-going, establishmentarian one-percenters like Henry Kissinger and George H.W. Bush. Wow, shocking.

On to Iran. Apparently, “wise Republicans” are totally down with the president’s failed policy of engagement and sanctions. Suffice it to say that John Kerry’s acumen on the question of who is “wise” and who isn’t failed to persuade the American people to choose him over George W. Bush back in 2004, and he isn’t a heck of a lot more persuasive now.

Kerry adds that he “joins this debate now” because so much is at stake, oil prices are rising, and talk of war only helps Iran. First, let’s welcome Kerry to the debate. Because as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, dealing with arguably one of the greatest threats of recent years, where the stakes are, as he says, “deadly serious,” he’s been totally AWOL. Legislation on Iran? Thank Senators Mark Kirk and Bob Menendez. Vigilance in the face of the threat? Thank Senators McCain and Lieberman. Dogged commitment to the missile defense that could protect us and our allies? Thank Senator Jon Kyl. Kerry has been one of the least influential chairmen of the SFRC in many years; he’s angling for SecState, and even his efforts on that front have been, shall we say, lackluster.

Kerry derides Romney for calling for tighter sanctions, asking “what does he think we’ve been doing?” Well, I don’t know what the “we” in Kerry’s formulation has been doing; if it’s his committee, the answer is “squat.” If it’s Barack Obama, the answer is, ratcheting up sanctions more slowly than the Europeans, failing to implement Menendez-Kirk legislation that sanctions partners of the Central Bank of Iran, and in his first two years, wasting precious time hoping the Supreme Leader would take his calls and that Iran’s opposition Green Movement wouldn’t derail his engagement efforts.

Kerry is most troubled by Romney’s uppity efforts to insert himself into the Iran debate “because every word on this subject is scrutinized by our allies and our enemies.” Really, Senator? The same allies and enemies who read Obama’s SecDef Leon Panetta’s logorrheic interview with David Ignatius that predicted an Israel attack in “March, April or May?” The same ones who then heard Obama’s Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Dempsey describe Iran as a “rational actor” who has “not decided that they will embark on the [...] effort to weaponize their nuclear capability.” The same ones who heard Barack Obama himself announce he has “Israel’s back” only to refute himself two days later? He can’t be serious.

Apparently, Kerry wants Obama’s rivals for the presidency to act “like statesmen,” not candidates. Americans deserve it. Where the heck was that John Kerry over the eight years of the Bush administration? Pompous? Check. Interfering? Check. Undermining our soldiers and our commander in chief? Check.

Could Obama have picked a lousier shill to take on Mitt Romney than John Kerry? Could Kerry have marshaled a crappier set of arguments? No and no. Romney should write Kerry a thank you note for reminding the American people of their close shave in ’04, and what they should expect from the wannabe SecState in a second Obama term, should he get one. Sheesh.

In a major effort to win back pro-Israel voters, Barack Obama went before AIPAC’s 2012 policy conference and reassured the audience that he “has Israel’s back.” He got a big round of applause, and more than a few in the audience breathed a sigh of relief that the president was once again in Israel’s camp, especially on the dangerous question of Iran. But at the presser he gave at noon on Tuesday, it became clear that that was then, this is now. Apparently, having Israel’s back “isn’t a military doctrine.” It isn’t… anything. Talks with Iran are the way forward. Sanctions are biting. Talk of war is dangerous. There are costs.

Let’s face facts: Barack Obama doesn’t have Israel’s back. He’s down with his own rockin’ foreign policy. He’s not interested enough in Israel to visit once as president. He’s not worried enough about U.S. interests to resource the forces needed in the region. He’s pretty sure that talks will lead somewhere. Oh, and by the way, he’s also pretty uninterested in that whole fight for democracy thing in Syria or Iran. That’s the kind of “unilateralism” he can’t support. Or something.

And another thing: Barack Obama thinks everyone who listens to him is a fool. How otherwise can he give one speech on Sunday and another on Tuesday? How can he suggest that “got your back” means “we have historically cooperated with Israel”… “just like with a host of other countries” when he clearly intended his AIPAC audience to believe something else?

Lessons learned: 1) Hope Obama doesn’t have your back. 2) Listen to the press conferences, not the speeches. Only the former show us the real man behind the words.

Generally, campaign press releases are unrelenting twaddle. But Romney put out a decent one today… better, frankly, than his not-too-dramatic op-ed in today’s WaPo. (Really, Mitt, shipbuilding will be job one in taking on Iran?)

But back to the release. Romney slams President Obama for “six exaggerations” in his AIPAC speech. They’re spot on, and I’m recasting below.

1.) Obama takes credit for leading on Iranian central bank sanctions and oil exports. But he opposed that sanctions amendment and still hasn’t imposed the full sanctions available under law against the Central Bank.

2.) Obama committed to joint missile defense programs, like “Iron Dome,” that protect Israel. Well, OK, if you call systematically cutting funding for Iron Dome and claiming credit for increases that Congress imposed.

3.) Obama “rallied” a “divided” international community to impose sanctions on Iran by “exposing” its intransigence. If you call sucking up to Iran, failed “engagement,” and lagging so far behind that it is now Europe that sets the gold standard on Iran sanctions.

4.) Bush let centrifuges proliferate in Iran, and Obama slowed them down with sanctions. Er, what? The number of centrifuges operating has grown 124 percent on Obama’s watch, and its nuclear enrichment rate last year was higher than 2010 and is now at the highest rate ever.

5.) The “loose talk of war” trope. It has all come from Obama’s team.

6.) Obama stood up for Israel at the United Nations. For real? By focusing on settlements? Asking for funding for UNESCO after it admitted “Palestine”?

PS. For those of you who are going to accuse me of shilling for Romney, get lives. Obama gets credit when he does something right.

Just in time for your post-Monday morning coffee jitters comes a calming article from Paul Pillar, former CIA Near East hand: “We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran.” The article is little more than a rehash of why those who aren’t psyched about a nuclear Iran are wrong (one assumes Pillar also means President Obama, who told AIPAC yesterday that we could not live with a nuclear Iran); why America is concerned because we are channeling Israel; why Israel has enough nukes to destroy Iran if threatened; why war is not the answer. Lalala. It’s not that everything in the piece is wrong; certainly, an attack on Iran will result in blowback and could well strengthen hardliners in Tehran. But the overall conclusion is wrong.

More importantly—and I say “more” because this piece will only serve as cannon fodder for the fusillades of the anti-war Left; it doesn’t seek to educate—“We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran” reminds us how foully politicized the U.S. intelligence community is, how partisan its analysts have become, and how little we can rely on their judgment. Here’s a piece I did in 2006 about the selfsame Pillar, and the selfsame problem. Is it any wonder that the CIA estimates that Iran has no active nuclear weapons program?

Earlier today, I passed along the exciting news that senior State Department official Wendy Sherman had once again helped deliver the North Koreans to the negotiating table, a reprise of her Nork work of the Clinton years. And indeed, the new deal looks a lot like the deal Mrs. Sherman did back then, except…. Apparently one of the things the North Koreans really wanted back in 2000 after the fateful U.S.-North Korea negotiation that achieved… well, nothing, but that’s not our story here. Let me start again. Apparently, one of the things the North Koreans really wanted back in 2000 was a promise from the United States that it harbored “no hostile intent” toward the loathsome Pyongyang dictatorship. And in return for that commitment, duly offered, they promised that they too, despite their nuclear weapons, their missiles pointed at our troops in South Korea, their proliferation of missiles and nuclear technology to America’s enemies, also had no “hostile intent” toward the United States.

So, when the Bush administration sought to reprise the Clinton years and do a deal with Pyongyang, NK again looked for the “no hostile intent” promise. And Colin Powell delivered those three little words every dictator loves to hear. But George W. Bush just wouldn’t say it, and so no grand bargain was reached. Mrs. Sherman slapped Bush for that omission in a 2005 interview with the Washington Post, explaining that the North Koreans couldn’t trust us without such a promise because: “Ultimately, it is about regime survival.”

So, let’s get this straight: Bill Clinton and his negotiator promised North Korea “regime survival” in 2000. George W. Bush didn’t really, which is why, according to Mrs. Sherman, he failed.

And now, what are we promising? Yes, North Korea, there is a Santa! In the trumpeted North Korea agreement released today, the United States pledged once again that we harbor “no hostile intent” toward the Pyongyang regime. But unlike the 2000 agreement, apparently the North Koreans do not reciprocate, and make no such commitment.

So let’s review the bidding one last time. President Obama has “no hostile intent” toward North Korea, but seeks no such assurance from North Korea that the American people will be safe from Pyongyang’s predations. Another diplomatic triumph!

Ah, the power of engagement. New North Korean leader Kim Jong Eun has reportedly agreed to a wide-ranging deal with the Obama administration. According to the State Department, the Norks will

“… implement a moratorium on long-range missile launches, nuclear tests, and nuclear activities at Yongbyon, including uranium enrichment activities.” Also part of the deal: the return of IAEA inspectors to verify any moratorium on enrichment and confirm the reactor at Yongbyon is disabled. What’s the quid to Pyongyang’s quo? 240,000 metric tons of food aid to North Korea.

If you’re hearing a little bit of snark in my tone, it’s because we’ve been on this roadtrip before with NK. They’ve never abided by, no joke, a single agreement. But they’ve pulled the wool over the eyes of successive administrations, always with the eager acquiescence of the Department of State (often in the person of Wendy Sherman, now reincarnated as Undersecretary of State for Policy), and under the trustful eyes of the intelligence community, which denied North Korea had a uranium enrichment program even after the Norks told… TOLD… American negotiators that they did.

So here’s what I’m looking for:

1. Verification.

2. Proof NK isn’t diverting food to its military, which it has done with all such previous shipments.

3. Evidence the Obama administration is demanding an end to Pyongyang’s proliferation of missiles and possibly nuclear tech to Iran, Syria, and anyone else with a buck to spare.

Once those things are in the bag, we can start on freedom, human rights, rapprochement with the civilized world, etc. This time could be different. But keep your eyes open, and be informed by this litany of past agreements and transgressions by North Korea compiled by the fine folks at the Senate Republican Policy Committee:

 January 1992:  North Korea agrees to permit IAEA inspections of North Korean nuclear facilities.
 January 1993:  North Korea refuses IAEA access to suspect nuclear sites.
 October 1994:  The Clinton Administration completes the Agreed Framework with North Korea providing for a nuclear-free Korean peninsula and extensive energy assistance from the United States.
 August 1998:   North Korea test fires a missile over Japan.
 September 1999:  North Korea institutes a moratorium on long-range missile tests.
 January 2003:  North Korea withdraws from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT).
 September 2005:  A Joint Statement is issued from the six-party talks, in which North Korea committed “to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs” in exchange for energy and economic cooperation and steps toward normalization.
 September 2005:  North Korea quits the six-party talks a week later.
 July 4, 2006:  North Korea tests seven missiles, including one long-range missile.
 October 2006:  North Korea proclaims it tested a nuclear weapon.
 February 2007:  An Initial Actions Plan is completed in an effort to move forward the September 2005 Joint Statement, in which North Korea agrees to shut down its Yongbyon nuclear facility within 60 days “and invite back IAEA personnel to conduct all necessary monitoring and verifications,” in return for an initial shipment of emergency energy assistance.  North Korea never fulfills this promise.
 September 2007:  Israel destroys a building in Syria the IAEA concludes “was very likely a nuclear reactor” and was “comparable” to the nuclear reactors at Yongbyon in North Korea.
 October 2007:  North Korea agrees “to provide a complete and correct declaration of all its nuclear programs—including clarification regarding the uranium issue—by the end of the year.”  This agreement, too, is never implemented.
 April 2009:  North Korea tests a long-range missile directed at threatening the United States.
 April 2009:   North Korea expels IAEA inspectors from Yongbyon.
 May 2009:  North Korea announces it conducted a nuclear weapon test.
 March 2010:  North Korea sinks the South Korean ship Cheonan, causing the murder of the 46 sailors aboard.

Danielle Pletka

Marco Rubio on Syria

By Danielle Pletka

February 27, 2012, 3:36 pm

“If we stand by and say nothing…”

Kudos to Marco Rubio for a clear-headed and honest look at Syria and America’s obligations to people who seek freedom. He’s saying the right thing. He’s trying to get the administration to do the right thing.

Watch it all here.

 


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