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As a Texan, I couldn’t help but share this blog post about the Texas jobs numbers that is deservedly getting a lot of play in the blogosphere.

On his website Political Math, blogger Matthias Shapiro goes through all of the anti-Texas rejoinders liberals like Paul Krugman have lobbed at the state since news of the “Texas Miracle” started spreading. They’ve been extra vehement over the last few days as Governor Rick Perry threw his hat into the Republican primary race.

Shapiro isn’t so fond of Perry himself, but that doesn’t matter. He uses raw data (and some excellent charts) to show that the claims about Texas’s employment success over the last few years are legitimate. Here are a few highlights of his analysis:

About the “high” unemployment rate in the state:

People are flocking to Texas in massive numbers. This is speculative, but it seems that people are moving to Texas looking for jobs rather than moving to Texas for a job they already have lined up. This would explain why Texas is adding jobs faster than any other state but still has a relatively high unemployment rate.

Responding to the claim that new jobs in Texas are especially low-paying:

Texas median hourly wage is $15.14 … almost exactly in the middle of the pack (28th out of 51 regions). Given that they’ve seen exceptional job growth (and these other states have not) this does not seem exceptionally low.

But aren’t all of the jobs in Texas coming from those fat-cat oil barons? Not really:

Take the energy sector completely out of the equation and Texas is still growing faster than any other state. This indicates to us that the energy sector is not a single sector saving Texas from the same economic fate as the rest of the states. It’s not hurting, but Texas would still be growing like a weed without it.

There’s much more like this in the post. I encourage a close read.

The Indian government recently announced plans to set up a central foreign aid agency in the form of USAID or the UK’s DFID. Likely called the Indian Agency for Partnership in Development, it will manage over $11 billion in aid transfers to countries like Burma and Bangladesh over the next five to seven years.

It may seem strange that a country with more people in poverty than all of Sub-Saharan Africa now has an official apparatus to disburse development aid to other poor countries. Shouldn’t this money be used to fix social problems at home?

But that’s not the point of this agency. In fact, the announcement helps to prove something that the so-called “development community” still doesn’t understand: aid isn’t and has never really been about development.

Aid is a political and diplomatic tool, something that India wants to use to project more influence toward its poorer South Asian neighbors as well as other countries in Africa and Asia. This annoys the development experts in multi-national organizations and NGOs, who with the best of intentions, believe that aid money can catalyze actual development.

In a recent editorial, the Economist adopts this mentality, questioning India’s decision and noting that its money may be poured into “grand projects which fail—and encourage bad government.” It’s a fair point in that the money may indeed be used to fund big projects that eventually fail. And that these projects may encourage corruption and graft in the recipient countries. But that’s aid. It’s not a natural path to creating prosperity or any of the conditions needed for development, no matter how hard we try.

This also means that the parameters we use for judging the effectiveness of US foreign aid should be selected as carefully. It’s easy to dismiss aid when we try to look for non-existent development results. But perhaps there are more intangible political benefits?

It will be interesting to see where India takes its new agency in terms of its own charm offensive. Particularly intriguing will be how it competes with China’s now well-documented charm offensive across Asia and Africa. But if you’re looking forward to news of Indian aid programs bringing poor Nepalese and Sri Lankans out of poverty, don’t hold your breath.

My colleague Stuart James and I sat down yesterday with AEI visiting scholar and regular contributor to the Enterprise Blog Jonah Goldberg to chat about some hot news topics. If you’re curious about what Jonah thinks of Paul Ryan’s Medicare plan, the 2012 Republican primaries, Bibi Netanyahu and the state of Israel, or even his favorite “Simpsons” episode, I implore you to listen here.

By all measures, last night’s American Enterprise Debate between economist Tyler Cowen and philosopher Roger Scruton was a success. Just look at the tweets and you’ll see that Roger and Tyler’s exchanges generated a ton of dialogue.

As expected, the most frequent question I heard after the debate was, “Who won?” My sense is that Scruton’s persuasive arguments about virtue and the spirituality of friendship won over many hearts; and Tyler Cowen’s empirically based rejoinders about the utility of social media won over many minds.

But here’s a bit of insider info—which Jonah figured out yesterday—there was indeed no “therefore what?” goal for this debate. Normally debates are held to reach a conclusion—pick a winner and a loser. But in this case, the mission was to create an exhibition for the debate itself. Ultimately, the debate wasn’t just about social media but rather about many other recurring questions in our society—from the academic dispute over rational-choice empiricism to the question of democracy in the developing world to the issue of human liberty itself.

Indeed, the question of social media is most of all a question of liberty, as social media is inherently a liberating tool. Just ask a rural farmer in India who no longer relies on a middleman for his wheat prices and can instead get them from text messages, or a poor Brazilian teenager who teaches himself English online.

With liberty comes duty. Humans can get drunk on liberty. And therefore we need checks on ourselves. And this is where the debate on social media exemplifies the American experience. Our republic continually tries to balance its liberty with checks on that liberty. It’s what makes our Revolution so different from others. The French revolutionaries believed in liberty too, but they had too much of it, and it quickly devolved into another form of slavery and terror. Wasn’t Scruton’s argument about social media enslaving its users a similar critique?

So instead of trying to decide who won, I invite our readers and followers to watch the debate again with this in mind. It’s not that one is right and the other is wrong. It’s that neither Roger nor Tyler could ever be right unless the other was standing there arguing with him.

This Wednesday, May 11, AEI is going to have the next American Enterprise Debate between economist Tyler Cowen and philosopher Roger Scruton on the issue of social media and its impact on human relationships. One of our Twitter followers describes it best: “A debate between Tyler Cowen and Roger Scruton is basically the material world reifying my own mental processes.”

I think those of us who use social media frequently are conflicted by their impact on our lives. Do social media, as Tyler Cowen argues in an essay in the Wilson Quarterly, make us smarter and allow us to do more in our lives? Or do they cause us to “hide behind the screen” and harm our ability to cultivate fruitful interpersonal relationships, as Roger Scruton claims in a New Atlantis essay? Is it both or neither of these things?

Before our debate this week, the Enterprise Blog has decided to convene a small forum of young social media users here at AEI to provide their own perspectives on this question:

— Research assistant Andrew Rugg evokes Alexis de Tocqueville to argue that social networking tends to enable isolation and doesn’t bring people together in any meaningful way.

— Online communications assistant Ladan Nekoomaram says that social media is what we make of it, and in general, it’s a good thing for ourselves and our world.

— Research assistant Miriel Thomas suggests that Scruton’s valid concerns about social media should inspire us to use them more thoughtfully without renouncing them altogether.

— The American’s assistant editor Joy Pullmann points out that the question of social media brings us to a broader question about self-government.

— Research assistant Gabriel Sudduth argues that while social media isn’t inherently good or bad, its interaction with human nature tends to be harmful to relationships and character.

— Development associate Ashley May thinks that the social networks we join simply reflect ourselves and our personalities.

— Research assistant Rohit Parulkar believes that the value of a social network depends on the type of social network we join.

You can register for the debate or watch it online here. And put in your two cents on our Facebook page or on Twitter with the hashtag #AEIDebates.

In today’s edition of The Diplomat, I argue that perhaps North Korea and Pakistan are more similar than we think. Conceding that they have many differences, ”from the level of regime control in each state to the amount of public openness and civic dialogue,” I try to make the case that both countries have taken the United States for a diplomatic ride over the years.

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Yesterday at AEI, Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels shared his thoughts about education reform. Andrew and Bridget chimed in with some of their thoughts, and it looked like Mitch didn’t try too hard to brush off any rumors about a potential 2012 run.

My colleague Stuart James and I sat down with AEI’s Jenna Schuette for a nice chat about Mitch, education reform, and what’s on the plate of Rick Hess and the AEI education team. You can listen to our podcast right here.

 

Apoorva Shah

Pakistan’s Plight

By Apoorva Shah

May 4, 2011, 10:59 am

Since the announcement, late Sunday night, of Osama bin Laden’s death, increasing amounts of scrutiny have been put on Pakistan, and rightly so. It’s impossible to imagine a situation where the world’s most wanted terrorist could live in a walled compound in a city of about 500,000 people that’s also home to the Pakistani military academy without any officials knowing about him. As Steve Coll has observed, it in fact appears as if bin Laden was being effectively housed under state control in what another observer has called “protected luxury.”

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Apoorva Shah

One Word: Pakistan

By Apoorva Shah

May 2, 2011, 9:52 am

In this hyperlinked, Twitterized, 24-hour-news world, it’s hard to say anything about a big event like Osama Bin Laden’s death that hasn’t already been said or won’t be said in the next five seconds. Instead, we need some filters and guidance on what to read and what to think about. In my opinion, we should focus on the country where he was killed.

Here are some good pieces to read on this:

Jean Perlez in the New York Times.

—Former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf called the operation a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty in Politico.

—The New Yorker on “What Pakistan Knew about Bin Laden.”

Nitin Pai, an Indian blogger, on Pakistan playing the “Osama card” (he later updated his post to note that the operation was carried out without Pakistani support, and that the United States “snatched” the card from the hands of the country’s military establishment).

To me, the most important question that has been raised is how Osama was able to hide out in a Pakistani city of almost 500,000 that’s home to a military academy. How could the Pakistanis have not known about this hideout? And if they did know, were they keeping the information from us?

Even after the celebrations are over and normalcy returns here at home, the issue of terrorist safe havens in Pakistan will linger. How many other terrorists are holed up in compounds in Pakistan? And can we really trust our civilian and military links with the country? Despite what President Obama said about receiving some intelligence cooperation from the Pakistanis, there seems to be no real evidence that Pakistan was involved in any integral way in the actual operation. Does the country hold back intelligence until it finds an opportune time to release it?

The death of Osama Bin Laden, a cause for celebration, should also be a sobering moment that truly opens our eyes to the military-jihadi complex in Pakistan. Indeed, as President Obama already remarked several months ago, the cancer of terrorism was and still is inside that country.

We know our readers are looking for ways to celebrate Earth Day tomorrow, and one way to do so is by listening to our new podcast, Banter. On this episode, we were joined by AEI’s very own Dr. Ken Green to talk a bit about gas prices, offshore drilling, President Obama’s “green jobs” initiative, and even aptronyms.

You can listen to it and download it by clicking here.

Happy Earth Day!

My colleague Stuart James and I have started a new podcast here at AEI entitled “Banter.” This time, we sat down with AEI Resident Scholar Andrew Biggs, noted recipient of copious amounts of adulatory fan mail, to talk about Representative Paul Ryan’s new budget plan and its impact on entitlements including Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.

In the podcast, Stu and I try to flesh out some of the bigger issues about budgets and entitlements for a non-wonky audience. In Andrew’s field, the terminology can get a bit overwhelming, but he does a great job clarifying issues like “fiscal consolidation” and “premium-support models” for a lay audience. Not only is his work fascinating, it’s immensely relevant for all Americans.

So go ahead and take a listen, and let us know what you think at podcast@aei.org.

You can subscribe to Banter on iTunes here and download the mp3 directly as well as listen to our previous podcasts here.

Over at the Agenda on NationalReview.com, Reihan Salam had an interesting post about Brazilian ex-president Lula. In response to a longer essay on Lula by Perry Anderson, Reihan adds that Lula’s style of social democracy “is extinct in the Atlantic world.” In particular, he praises Bolsa Família, a cash transfer program started under Lula that provides small sums of money to women in poor families as a reward for sending children to school and getting their health checked. Reihan writes:

Note what the Bolsa is not: it is not an expansion of the public sector workforce, which has been the traditional goal of the Brazilian left. Rather, it cuts out the middlemen. Though it has reportedly had perverse consequences in the impoverished Northeast, there’s a lot to be said for Bolsa.

Indeed, Bolsa accounts for only 0.5 percent of gross domestic product outlays and 2.5 percent of total government expenditures, and it covers about 12 million Brazilian families.  In other words, it’s cheap and provides enormous political benefits: Lula left office as one of the most popular Brazilian presidents ever, due in no small part to his popularity among the Brazilian poor.

But I want to focus on that last line in the quote above. Reihan writes almost in passing that Bolsa had “perverse consequences.” Bolsa Família, Mexico’s Oportunidades, New York City’s Opportunity NYC (which ended in August of last year), and other conditional cash transfer programs are becoming popular among conservatives because they reward so-called positive behaviors among the poor and therefore are more “market-friendly” versions of welfare.

I’m skeptical. Of course these programs start out small and cheap, but in the long run, are they anything other than typical entitlements? Would there be a realistic point in any society where politicians could decide to stop the program? Probably not. Poor citizens would begin to expect to receive cash whenever they put their children in school or went to the doctor and wouldn’t be too happy when the government—perhaps in a bit of a fiscal crunch—decided it couldn’t afford to anymore. It would be political suicide to cut such a program.

There’s also the issue about incentives. I have a hard time understanding how giving cash to poor people to reward them for doing things that they should be doing in their own self-interest is a good incentive. This would be like giving an unemployed person money every time he submitted a job application. In fact, conditional cash transfer programs seem quite paternalistic. They insinuate that the poor are not wise enough to send children to school on its own merit and so need some sort of Pavlovian conditioning to get their behavior right. In other words, conditional cash transfer appears to be just a more elegant and rhetorically-friendly version of social engineering. And we all know how well social engineering works!

If you heard a dim roar sometime around 2 p.m. this past Saturday afternoon, it was likely the cheers of 1.2 billion people as the Indian cricket team defeated Sri Lanka to win the 2011 ICC Cricket World Cup, India’s first since 1983 and only the second in the country’s history.

In an extremely close and tense match, the Indian side effectively pulled off a buzzer-beater to defeat Sri Lanka in the final minutes of play. Here’s a video of the final moments. The Indian team captain M.S. Dhoni hits a “sixer” (kind of like a home run in baseball, it’s a ball that’s hit out of the park and earns the team six runs) to clinch the victory for India:

After last Wednesday’s semifinal win against rival Pakistan, the championship may have seemed only like denouement to the climax of defeating the country’s most bitter opponent. But the win against Sri Lanka was important—it shifted Indians’ focus away from the schadenfreude of defeating Pakistan to the joy of their own country’s clutch performance.

The win and the entire ICC World Cup (which was co-hosted by India along with Sri Lanka and Bangladesh) was also an important recovery for India following the corruption-riddled Commonwealth Games of last October. While the Commonwealth Games were supposed to be one of India’s coming out parties to the world, they were marred instead by reports of derelict facilities, collapsed bridges, and widespread graft.  The ICC World Cup, on the other hand, went on without any serious glitches even despite several terrorism threats.

It was a big moment for a sixth of humanity and helped India during a time when it appeared that the country’s stock was perhaps a bit overpriced. (India is also one of the few emerging markets where foreign direct investment has declined over the last year.)  It’s hard to say how long the good feelings will last, but for right now, India is savoring the moment.

For readers who don’t know much about cricket, here’s a little primer. And here’s why you should care. Just a side thought: with opening weekend of baseball, two dramatic basketball games in the NCAA Final Four, and this cricket final, this past weekend has got to be one of the best sports weekends of all time, no? Any votes for better ones?

If anyone is interested in tracking the population trends of 1.2 billion people, today is your lucky day. India released preliminary data from its 2011 census (like the United States, India conducts a census every decade, the last one was in 2001). Here’s a nice summary presentation the census has released.

Many of the findings were expected:

· The total Indian population grew by about 17.1 percent over the last ten years, or approximately 180 million people. That’s a little bit less than the size of the entire population of Brazil.

· The poorer states in India’s north–Bihar, Uttar Pradesh–grew the fastest. South Indian states like Kerala and Northeast Indian states like Nagaland, Mizoram, and Tripura grew the slowest.

· The rate of population growth has slowed down, however, and with the exception of the 1911-1921 period, this is the first decade in India where the added population was smaller than that of the previous decade. This makes sense considering declining fertility rates across most of India.

There were also some surprising results:

· The good: There are 217 million more literate people in India now than in 2001, and 110 million of them are women. This is a 38 percent increase among the total population, and a 29 percent increase among females.

· The effective literacy rate for women increased by 11.8 percent to 65.5 percent.

· The bad: The sex ratio of children in India (children ages 0-6) shows a decrease in the number of baby girls vs. baby boys. In fact, the female-to-male child sex ratio is at its lowest level since India’s independence in 1947. (See this article.)

The continued prevalence of female feticide in India should be a major concern to Indian policy makers and officials. Even as the country makes progress in education and health, cultural attitudes in many parts of the country appear to be distinctly pre-modern.

As more data is released, interesting tidbits will continue. Nerds, get your Stata and SPSS software warmed up. More on India’s census website.

I’m reviewing a fascinating book by Patrick French entitled India: A Portrait, which will be out in the United States in June. (You can see my colleague Sadanand Dhume’s review of the book in the Wall Street Journal here.)

In one chapter, French and an ambitious young Indian statistician delve into some data on family politics in India. When we look at the family tree of Indian National Congress’s President Sonia Gandhi or its General Secretary Rahul Gandhi, we immediately see evidence of this phenomenon in India. Sonia is the widow of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and daughter-in-law of Indira Gandhi, another prime minister. Indira Gandhi’s father was Jawaharlal Nehru, one of India’s founding fathers and its first prime minister. Sonia’s son is Rahul Gandhi.

But French and his colleague find that dynasty politics is a problem far beyond the upper echelons of the Congress Party. In fact, take a look at this fascinating chart, available on French’s website:

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Tragedy has struck Pakistan once again. Less than two months after Salman Taseer, the former governor of Punjab, was assassinated by Islamists for his opposition to Pakistan’s blasphemy law, another Pakistani official has been killed. Shahbaz Bhatti, the country’s minority affairs minister and a Christian, was shot and killed in Islamabad on Wednesday. Al-Qaeda and Taliban pamphlets were found at the scene.

It’s easy to place the blame on the small minority of extremists in Pakistan who have no regard for the state or for human life. But I think this problem is much, much more extensive. After Salman Taseer’s assassination, there were widespread celebrations across Pakistan, not just by terrorists but also average citizens. Five hundred lawyers volunteered to defend Taseer’s killer for free.

I’ve written about how Pakistan today resembles post-revolutionary France. Aren’t these recent assassinations—of a moderate Muslim, Salman Taseer, and a Christian, Shahbaz Batti—just another sign of a growing Reign of Terror?

And these aren’t isolated incidents discrete from the will of the ruling elite. The democratically-elected Pakistani government has decided to keep the anti-blasphemy laws in place, and there is no sign that the military and intelligence services have severed their ties with Islamists. Terrorism, discrimination of minorities, and the state of fear under which moderate Pakistanis live are institutional problems. Their hubs aren’t only in faraway terrorist camps, but in Islamabad (the political capital) and Rawalpindi (the military headquarters) as well.

Yet America continues to meet with General Ashfaq Kayani; it continues to provide more than $3 billion in aid to this country; and it continues to think there is some hope in doing business as usual. There isn’t.

How many tragedies must Pakistan suffer before we realize it’s time for a change?

It’s easy to get caught up in a tightrope act when talking about Pakistan, especially on an issue like the Raymond Allen Davis arrest. So once in a while we need someone who can speak truths without mincing words. Christopher Hitchens has courageously taken up the task this week:

Even in the case of a deliberate breach of local law, [Raymond James Davis] would be repatriated before it was decided whether or not, or how, to proceed against him. But Pakistan is not a “normal” country. It is a failed and rogue state, where Davis would have had to know that his assailants might very well be working for the forces of law and order. There would be no need for him to be carrying arms if it were not notorious that the Pakistani army and police are the patrons of the Taliban and in league with various criminal and fundamentalist gangs.

Hitchens concludes,

This sick relationship with Pakistan, which plays a continuous and undisguised double-cross on us in Afghanistan, will probably have to be terminated at some point. But in the meantime, it will have to be made very clear to the rulers of that country that if they want to keep Raymond Davis in prison, they will have to manage without our subsidies. He may be a bad test of an important principle, but it is still the important principle that is being tested, and we have no more right to compromise on the principle of diplomatic immunity than the Pakistanis have to violate it.

More here.

Many folks here on the Enterprise Blog have made clear their disappointment with President Obama’s inaction and dithering on the popular movements across the Middle East. We want America to stand up for democracy and liberty across the world, whether in Egypt, China, or Libya. The United States may even be limited in terms of the tangible actions it can take in order to support these movements and prevent the violence that comes as a result. But words matter. The Obama administration’s weak, equivocal statements beginning with the uprising in Egypt all the way to this week’s bloodbath in Libya make it appear that our president doesn’t really know what he stands for. President Obama’s principles should and have come into question.

So here’s an idea for our president. I hope other folks here on the blog (Marc, Dany, Paul, Jonah?) chime in on this. What if President Obama scheduled a trip to Cairo next week and gave the speech of his life in Tahrir Square? It would be his Berlin Wall moment. He could stand in front of the masses, hark back to his June 2009 speech in the same city, and declare that yes, indeed, the United States stands on the side of the people in Egypt and elsewhere across the Middle East. The rhetoric would be easy: his first Cairo speech was entitled “A New Beginning.” All Obama has to start with this time is, “Yes, a New Beginning has come to Egypt.” Typical Obamian speechmaking, and it may just be crazy enough to work.

The president would likely get hammered for this, particularly from conservative circles. Much of the criticism would be predictable: “Ah of course, the president doesn’t do anything when it matters and then goes and makes a big speech.” “He thinks he can talk his way out of everything.”

But so what? The United States appears to be whimpering right now. There’s even talk about how we could use France to gain leverage in Libya. France? Really?

Nothing else seems to be working on our end. Perhaps we could resort to the one thing that Obama can do well once in a while.

Apoorva Shah

Is Pakistan Next?

By Apoorva Shah

February 4, 2011, 2:54 pm

For those, including me, who frequently criticize the Pakistani military and political establishment for taking a selective approach to anti-terrorism, continuing to antagonize India, and fooling the United States into increasingly larger sums of aid, it’s important to stress that this critique does not include the Pakistani people themselves. Rather, we should show even more clearly how a corrupt and paranoid military establishment, led by General Ashfaq Kayani, is wreaking serious damage on the Pakistani polity.

For more insight into this, I’d recommend this prescient essay by New York Times reporter Jane Perlez. In her memo from Islamabad, Perlez describes a Pakistani society becoming increasingly discontent and unstable. As we have watched the events in Egypt unfold with such rapid and unexpected escalation, we shouldn’t help but think that Pakistan could be next.

Among the problems Perlez notes are: poor public utility access; food inflation that totaled 64 percent over the last three years; and, perhaps most strikingly, a true unemployment rate of 34 percent, or about 18 million mostly young people. Couple these problems with the anger that elites are getting richer and are seemingly unaffected by the country’s problems, and we have a recipe for disaster.

Over the past few years, the United States has responded to such instability by increasing our aid to Pakistan. The Kerry-Lugar bill is an example. We say that our aid is intended directly for the Pakistani people and that it will receive extra oversight to prevent it from getting into the wrong hands. But when news emerges that, for example, Pakistan has doubled its nuclear arsenal over the last four years, we see how little our money does to initiate reform.

In fact, it may have the opposite effect. And if Egypt is a harbinger of the U.S. foreign policy decisions that lie ahead, siding with an unpopular regime against the people themselves is an uncomfortable place to be. That’s exactly what our aid money appears to do in Pakistan, despite our efforts to portray it otherwise.

Oh, by the way, there’s no guarantee that a people’s revolution in Pakistan would be pro-democratic, as it appears to have been in Egypt. What if there’s an Islamist revolt by young, unemployed youth in a nuclear-armed state? If we thought Egypt was a tough foreign policy choice, just think about what could be next.

Dan Drezner over at ForeignPolicy.com has a good and sharp response to my post yesterday about how the events in Egypt and the West’s reaction to it are another sign of the continued irrelevance of modern political science. I asked readers to correct me if they thought I was wrong, and this is what Drezner says:

OK… you’re wrong. Let me correct you.

First of all, let’s clarify the division of labor in political science a bit. Crudely put, international relations focuses on the interactions between governments and other transnational and subnational actors. Comparative politics focuses on the domestic politics within countries.

To put this in the context of Egypt, it’s the job of comparative politics scholars to explain/predict when we should see mass protests and when those protests might cause authoritarian regimes to buckle. It’s the job of international relations scholars to predict what effects the regime change/authoritarian crackdown would have on both Egypt’s foreign policy and the situation in the Middle East.

Calling out IR scholars for not predicting the uprising in Egypt is like calling out a cardiologist for not detecting a cancerous growth.

All fair points. But I think Drezner misses my point. First of all, I’m not blaming what happened in Egypt on political scientists, as the title of his blog post implies. Rather, I’m saying that the methods with which the political scientists in our academy study the world are so rigid that policy makers imbued in such scholasticism did not appropriately react and make immediate policy decisions when our foreign policy was on the line. Simply put, our administration equivocated. I think they were too confused by all the “variables” involved in Egypt: the protesters themselves, Israel, the Muslim Brotherhood, Hosni Mubarak, etc. In other words, their mental multiple variable regressions failed to produce statistical significance, so they sent mixed messages instead.

Second, yes, there are divisions of labor within political science; I should have been clearer in my original post. We should expect comparative politics to elucidate the domestic factors of unrest in Egypt and IR theory to put it in the Middle Eastern context. But therein lies the problem: a policy maker in our administration can’t craft the right policy when everything he is supposed to think about Egypt is compartmentalized into such rigid sub-fields. Okay, so we shouldn’t expect a cardiologist to detect a tumor, but I do think we need more general practitioners calling the shots rather than “specialists.”

Drezner goes on to show how some political science-trained experts like Robert Kagan and Michele Dunne had already predicted the unrest in Egypt. Again, he proves my point. Kagan and Dunne are think tankers more than they are political scientists. Go to their respective websites and read their latest work: you will not find a single regression output or mathematical model.

The good thing about think tanks in our country is that they, for the most part, do a great job helping political scientists “unlearn” everything they were taught in the academy. And we’re better off for that.

None of this is to say that we should shut ourselves off from structured thinking about politics and international affairs. In fact, it should be quite the opposite. Our political scientists shouldn’t be hiding themselves behind theoretical models. They should be studying more history, getting on the ground, doing qualitative research. But look at the syllabus of any graduate level “qualitative methods” class, and I guarantee you it will be just as mind-numbing as their quantitative methods courses.

Perhaps a few months or years from now political science will help us clarify what happened in Egypt over this past week, and it may even look back and dictate what should have been the correct U.S. response. But none of the academic work to date helped policy makers make the right decision when it mattered this week. And that’s the crux of this story. In crunch time, the political scientists failed to get the policy right. But that’s what we should expect: political scientists avoid the word “policy” like lab scientists avoid daylight.

Here’s a question for those of my Enterprise Blog colleagues who have been trained in academic political science, particularly in international relations:

Did anything in academia foresee the unrest in Egypt, and more importantly, can something explain how Western foreign policy can appropriately react to the events? Of all the “schools” of IR thought—liberal internationalism, realism, isolationism, etc.—did any theory make sense of this and guide us on what to do next?

My amateur opinion is no. Because of an academic world obsessed with increasingly complex empirical analysis where every revolution is a mere data point and every country a pawn in the great game, our political science departments and the scholars they have trained (many of whom serve in and advise our current administration) were caught flat-footed, searching for some logical, rational approach to a particularly unique and country-specific event. While digging for the right IR theory, they instead produced a mishmash of mixed messages and equivocation.

If I’m wrong, please correct me. But as we read up on Egypt these days, I’d suggest a quick break to look back at Steve Hayward’s prescient essay from last September on the “Irrelevance of Modern Political Science.”

This morning, the Washington Post reported that Pakistan has doubled its nuclear arsenal over the last four years. What was once a stockpile of approximately 30-60 weapons has ballooned to more than 100 weapons today, surpassing that of its neighbor and rival India. During these same four years, America has been on its knees to Pakistan, offering endless amounts of aid and moral support for the country’s semi-effective fight against homegrown terrorism.

While we acquiesced, the Pakistani military, led by chief antagonist General Ashfaq Kayani, kept its paranoid eyes on India and took a selective approach to anti-terrorism, fighting the terrorists that hurt Pakistan and supporting or simply ignoring the ones plotting against India. All the while, the Pakistani people have continued to suffer from dismal governance and economic immiseration.

What is most amazing about Pakistan’s state of crisis is the brazenness with which its military establishment operates. Each time America pushes for more oversight or pressure on its aid to Pakistan, the establishment responds with the helpless cry of “the terrorists hurt us as much as they hurt you.”

Yes, because nuclear weapons are a wonderfully efficient way of getting rid of terrorists at home.

Today, we see once again how General Kayani and his acolytes have continually fooled America and ignored the needs of the Pakistani people in order to satisfy their visceral anti-Indian and anti-Western biases. If precedence is any sign of what to expect next, America will stand by and continue to sit on its hands.

Last week, the Federal Reserve announced that Chairman Ben Bernanke will speak at the National Press Club on February 3 to further explain the Fed’s second round of quantitative easing. If you still don’t know what side to take on the QE2 issue, AEI can help you figure it out.

Come see AEI’s John Makin debate Douglas Holtz-Eakin (with Reihan Salam moderating) today at 5 p.m. at AEI’s conference center, or watch the livestream right here.

Stay tuned to the livestream after the debate for an online-only discussion with AEI’s Nick Schulz, Megan McArdle (of the Atlantic) and John Tamny (of RealClearMarkets and Forbes.com).

Despite the firm stance taken against the Federal Reserve’s second round of quantitative easing (QE2) by many conservatives, including Sarah Palin, Senator Pat Toomey (R-Pennsylvania), and the Economics 21 cohort, I think we can say with some certainty that the majority of Right-thinking people don’t know where to stand on this issue.

In fact, most Americans don’t get QE2 at all.  The debate tends to be esoteric and often technical, and it’s hard for the average person to tell whether inflation or deflation is a bigger threat to our economy; whether increasing the money supply would start a global currency war; or whether a devalued dollar would help boost our economy through increased exports.

So AEI’s going to do its part to bring this issue down to Earth. Next Wednesday, January 12, two bona fide conservatives—AEI resident scholar John Makin and former chief economic policy advisor to McCain 2008, Douglas Holtz-Eakin—will debate each other on the QE2 question, in plain English. Reihan Salam, policy advisor at Economics 21 and author of the Agenda over at National Review Online, will moderate. Here’s a preview:


After the event, which starts at 5 PM, Nick Schulz will sit down with The Atlantic’s Megan McArdle and John Tamny of RealClearMarkets and Forbes.com for a special, online-only post-debate discussion.  If you’re not in town, you can also watch the debate live here.

Apoorva Shah

Ryan-Brooks: Tales of the Tape

By Apoorva Shah

December 3, 2010, 3:18 pm

After an enlightening American Enterprise Debate between Representative Paul Ryan (R-Wisconsin) and the New York Times’s David Brooks, the interwebs have been abuzz with analysis. Here’s your one stop shop for post-debate discussion (we’ll keep this updated as we find more):

—David Brooks (inspired by yesterday’s debate, of course) has a vision for bipartisan tax reform during the next Congress.
—Jennifer Rubin at the Washington Post’s “Right Turn” blog writes about the debate here and here. She also participated in a post-debate discussion with Ezra Klein and Peter Suderman that you can see below.
—Dave Weigel over at Slate gives us his take.
—AEI Vice President Henry Olsen weighed in here at the Enterprise Blog.
—Over at National Review’s blog, Andrew Stiles provides some analysis as well.
—Matt Lewis at Politics Daily has a nice summary.
—So does Kevin Brennan from the Daily Caller.
—And from Paul Ryan’s home state of Wisconsin we have columnist Patrick McIlheran from the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel.
—And what could a good conservative debate be without some rejoinders from our friends on the left? The Huffington Post and the Center for American Progress chime in.

After the debate, Ezra Klein, Jennifer Rubin, and Peter Suderman participated in a discussion with Nick Schulz. You can watch that here:


UPDATE:

—Here’s a libertarian perspective from Peter Suderman at Reason Magazine.

Matt Continetti gave us his thoughts over at the Weekly Standard blog.

From the Moderate Voice blog.

E.D. Kain over at the Washington Examiner.

Arnold Kling (of From Poverty to Prosperity fame)


The American Enterprise Institute takes no institutional positions on policy advocacy or political campaigns. The views expressed on The Enterprise Blog represent those of the individual writers.

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