The Enterprise Blog

Archive for November, 2011

Marc, your post on the Iranian missile base explosion contained pictures from two satellite companies, GeoEye and DigitalGlobe. These firms provide valuable imaging services to the military and intelligence community (with enormous spillover benefits for the broader technology sector). They are also part of an important program, EnhancedView, that is threatened by the huge defense budget cuts proposed by too many in both parties.

AEI’s late/great Herb Stein used to say of the federal budget: “figure out how much it will cost to defend the country, pay for it, and then see how much money is left for everything else.” We need more folks on Capitol Hill these days who appreciate that bit of wisdom.

Two stunning new polls (via TPM) that have Newt Gingrich smashing Mitt Romney in Florida:

The numbers from Public Policy Polling (D): Gingrich 47%, Romney 17%, Herman Cain 15%, Ron Paul 5%, Michele Bachmann 4%, Jon Huntsman 3%, Rick Perry 2%, Rick Santorum 1%, and Gary Johnson 0%. In the previous PPP survey of Florida Republicans, from all the way back in late September, Romney led with 30%, followed by Perry at 25%, with Newt in third at 10%, Paul at 8%, Cain at 7%, Bachmann at 6%, Huntsman at 3%, Santorum at 2%, and Johnson at 1%.

And from InsiderAdvantage (R): Gingrich 41%, Romney 17%, Cain 13%, Perry 7%, Paul 4%, Bachmann 3%, and Santorum 0.5%. (Huntsman and Johnson were not listed.) In the previous InsiderAdvantage poll from mid-October, Romney led with 33%, followed by Cain at 30%, Gingrich at 12%, Perry at 3%, Paul at 3%, Bachmann at 2%, and Huntsman at 0.2%.

And I would assume Gingrich has more upside given that polls show he would get the plurality of Herman Cain’s support should Cain drop out of the GOP race. The RCP poll tracking show just how parabolic Newt’s polls have gone:

What could go right for Gingrich going forward? GOP voters fully embrace him as a transformational candidate ready to lead another Republican Revolution. What could go wrong? Voters suddenly realize their new frontrunner is a lobbyist not substantially more conservative than Romney and begin to fear his lack of executive experience and discipline would make a hash of the general. Let me add this: As any standup comedian can tell you, winning over the audience is more than half the battle. Then they start rooting for you and you can do no wrong. They want to like you. And GOP voters just love how Newt bashes the media and enjoys  putting the shiv to Obama.

This is not encouraging (via Huffpo):

Moderate Republican Sen. Susan Collins broke party ranks Wednesday, supporting a tax hike on millionaires and billionaires in order to fund a tax break for working Americans.  …  Democrats have proposed cutting payroll taxes by 3.1 percent, which could put about $1,500 back in the pockets of the average household. Republicans are supportive of the tax cut, but adamantly oppose the Democratic plan to pay for it by levying a surtax on income above $1 million. …

“What I’ve been looking at is can you carve out those businesses from the surtax, and you can … There is already a body of well-developed law in the tax code having to do with active business participation versus passive business participation. I think that’s the answer to this dilemma. I do not want to impose additional taxes on the employers at a time when our economy is very fragile and we want to encourage them to hire. On the other hand, I do believe that multimillionaires and billionaires who are not running businesses could pay more of their income to help us deal with the deficit. … I believe some are intrigued by the idea. What we’ve been hearing over and over again is that the reason Republicans are opposed to the surtax is because of the concern of its impact on job creation. Well, if you carve out employers, you take away that argument.

1. I seriously doubt whether this surtax will raise as much as proponents expect given the ability of the wealthy to shelter income.

2. So not only are we going to have another year of a wrongheaded tax cut, but we are going to raise taxes to pay for it? Lose, lose.

3. Collins completely adopts the Democratic line that we need higher taxes on the rich to deal with the deficit. This is fundamentally wrong. What we need is a) less spending and b) more economic growth to generate higher tax revenue. That is why I like that other Republicans “are coalescing around a plan that would continue the current salary freeze for all federal workers and lawmakers to pay for an extension of the payroll tax cut.” Smart.

4.  The Obamacrats are going to wage a “spread the wealth,” class-warfare campaign in 2012 the likes of which we have not seen in modern U.S. political history. Hopefully, the Collins Crumble is not a sign of things to come.

Danielle Pletka

Eurovision contest

By Danielle Pletka

November 30, 2011, 3:23 pm

Enjoying a fascinating visit to Berlin, newly designated capital of the (you must bail out the) Eurozone. One cannot help but feel for Chancellor Merkel, who is meant to be fixing the Eurodisaster on her own by creating a Eurofinance system relying on newly powerful Eurocrats who will remain without an actual democratic mandate from, you know, Europeans. But I get ahead of myself.

I had the singular pleasure of hearing an impassioned talk on the need for a strong Germany from my friend and former colleague, Polish foreign minister Radek Sikorski. It’s worth a read for this line alone:  ”I will probably be [the] first Polish foreign minister in history to say so, but here it is: I fear German power less than I am beginning to fear German inactivity.”

Read it all, and then check out this veiled rebuttal from today’s Wall Street Journal.

Lucky for all of us, President Obama has taken matters into his own hands, laying down the law to the folks in the EU who really matter.

Most discussions of the European sovereign debt crisis make a common error. This is the failure to distinguish between the country and the present government of that country. For example, they may wonder “how to save Greece.” But the debt in question is the debt of the government of Greece, not of Greece, the country.

In the same way, the default on the U.S. Treasury’s gold bonds in 1933 was a default by the government of the United States, not by America. Likewise, this year’s downgrade of U.S. Treasury debt was a downgrade of the government’s credit.

Obviously, and often enough in history, the same country can have different governments. Subsequent ones may choose not to honor the debts of their predecessors, as when the communist government of Russia repudiated those of the previous czarist one, or when the government of the United States made sure that no one could pay a penny of the debts of the Confederate government, although all the Southern states were still there.

Governments and countries are two different things. The former can go broke or be overthrown and disappear, while the latter simply receive a new set of politicians.

The New York Times reports that on November 12, an explosion took place at an Iranian missile base “which Iranian authorities have called an accident that set back research work there a few days.” But now new commercial satellite images obtained by the Institute for Science and International Security show that the explosion “appears to have been far more devastating than [Iranian officials’] description suggested.”

The blast was supposedly an accident which took place while “rocket engineers were performing a volatile procedure with a missile engine,” according to the Times. Maybe, maybe not. Among those killed was one of the founders of Iran’s missile program, General Hassan Tehrani Moghaddam, who according to Iran’s news service had requested in his last will and testament that his tombstone read: “Here is the one who wanted to destroy Israel.” And according to Iran’s military chief of staff, Hassan Firouzabadi, the scientists under Moghaddam’s command were working on a weapon capable of delivering Israel a “strong punch in the mouth.” Perhaps Moghaddam and his team got a strong punch in the mouth themselves instead.

The Iranians are denying any Israeli or American involvement, declaring that “neither the Mossad nor the CIA are capable” of being behind the blast. Then again, General Firouzabadi also claimed that the explosion would only result is a “short-term delay of a few days.”

Here are the photos. Judge for yourself. Seems like quite an accident.

Iranian missile base before November 12 explosion:

Iranian missile base after the blast:

Today’s action by world’s major central banks to provide cheaper dollar loans to cash strapped European banks is significant. For it provides the clearest of evidence that the world’s central bankers have finally got it as to how close Europe is to the brink. It also suggests that European policymakers are very likely to announce important policy measures at their scheduled Dec. 9 European Summit to aid the beleaguered Italian and Spanish sovereign bond markets. This aid is likely to come in the form of large-scale European Central Bank lending to the IMF with the basic objective of increasing the IMF’s firepower to aid Italy and Spain.

As has come to be expected, the market’s reaction to the central bankers’ announcement has been euphoric. Indeed, judging by that reaction, one would be excused for thinking that the European debt crisis had been definitively solved. However, this would not be the first time that markets thought, at least temporarily, that more lending to the European periphery would spare Europe from a series of sovereign debt defaults and from a major European banking crisis in the course of the year ahead.

A basic problem with likely official lending to Italy and Spain is that it would be conditional on those countries undertaking severe fiscal austerity to correct their budget imbalances. And such fiscal austerity is almost certain to drive those economies deep into recession particularly since that austerity would be occurring in the context of already weak economies and of a major credit crunch in the European banking system.

If we should have learnt anything from Greece’s experience over the past two years, it is that severe fiscal austerity in a Euro straightjacket, which precludes exchange devaluation to promote exports, is a sure recipe for a deep recession. We should also have learnt that a deep recession makes it very difficult to make progress on deficit reduction and it undermines the political willingness to stay the course. Sadly, even with a lot of IMF-ECB money, this is the fate that awaits Italy and Spain as they are forced to undertake major fiscal adjustment in the middle of a recession without the benefit of exchange rate devaluation.

Gary Schmitt

Can a Syria decision be avoided?

By Gary Schmitt

November 30, 2011, 12:04 pm

In September, I took a short trip with Jamie Fly of the Foreign Policy Initiative to London and Paris to talk with government officials there about the lessons learned from the effort to remove Qadhafi from power in Libya. Lots of lessons learned, but the one they were most insistent on was that the Libyan campaign was a “one-off.” That is, while the effort there was a success from their point of view, this was no precedent that might be applied to some other dictator who was slaughtering citizens in an effort to hold on to power. Of course, the obvious question to ask even then was “well, what about Syria?” But in both capitals it was a question they simply would not entertain.

However, as Jamie and I wrote in a piece shortly thereafter, “with reports that the Syrian opposition is turning to an armed response, that soldiers are defecting from the army, and more and more Syrians are calling for ‘international intervention,’ it is far from clear that the liberators of Tripoli will escape the precedent they have set.” (Update: Jeffrey White of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy has just published an interesting account of the armed opposition in Syria. Key points: it’s organized, it’s growing, and it appears to be increasingly effective.)

And now we hear from the government of Turkey that, in addition to applying a wide range of economic, trade, and travel sanctions to Syria, it was considering a military intervention to create a safety zone inside Syria to protect Syrians from the Assad regime’s murderous crackdown. Clearly, none of the governments in Washington, London, or Paris is interested in taking on another military campaign: Libya stretched the allies’ capabilities about as far as they could go and the last thing the White House wants to do in the run-up to November is involve the country in another conflict. That said, events and headlines do have a way of forcing decisions, as President Clinton learned in the Balkans in the late 1990s and President Obama should have learned in the case of Libya. Probably sooner than he expects, the president either will be forced into appearing passive in the face of Assad’s continuing butchery or be seen as taking the lead in organizing an international coalition of military forces designed to put an end to it. For this White House, it’s no doubt a lousy hand to be dealt—but, unlike in poker, presidents don’t get to fold just because they don’t like the cards they’ve been given.

Here is a chart that shows the damage that will be done by $492 billion in automatic defense cuts.

Some Republicans on Capitol Hill want to kick the can down the road and address this impending damage next year. Their logic is that the automatic cuts do not kick in until 2013, so there is no need to address them now. They are wrong. The Defense Department does not operate from year to year—it operates off of long-term budgets. DoD will have to start cutting right away, in 2012, to meet spending reduction targets in 2013 and beyond. As the House Armed Services Committee has pointed out, “some decisions would be irrevocable. A shipyard closed because of program cancellations will not be there when we are ready to buy ships again.”

According to Secretary Panetta, in a letter and submission to Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham, current law does not provide flexibility in applying the sequester cuts, which means that they must be applied in equal percentages to each “program, project, and activity” in the Defense Department. Immediate 23% cuts in weapons programs and military construction projects would require not just reductions in expenditures that could be ramped back up later, but wholesale cancellations of vital projects—because, as Panetta points out, you cannot buy three quarters of a building or a ship.  Among the programs on the chopping block, according to the Secretary:

•               Terminate Joint Strike Fighter; minimal life extensions and upgrades to existing forces ($80B);

•               Delay next generation ballistic missile submarine; cut force to 10 subs ($7B);

•               Terminate littoral combat ship and associated mission modules ($22B);

•               Terminate all ground combat vehicle modernization programs ($17B);

•               Terminate all Army helicopter modernization programs ($11B);

•               Delay or terminate major space initiatives, including space protection, communications satellites, and ISR systems ($27B);

•               Terminate European missile defense ($2B);

•               Eliminate ICBM leg of Triad ($8B).

As for personnel, the Department might have to turn to furloughs of a month or more next year to meet the immediate requirements of the sequester. In the longer term, according to Panetta, “Reductions at this level would lead to the smallest ground force since 1940” as well as the smallest civilian workforce in the history of the Department.

The damage this would do is incalculable. Today, the United States has the best trained, most capable, battle-hardened military force in the history of the world. They are a national security asset whose value is without measure. If something is not done, we will begin giving those experience troops pink slips in 2012—and once they have left for civilian life, there is no way to get back that lost knowledge and experience down the line.

The time for Congressional Republicans to act is now—not in 2013.

Thomas Donnelly: This might be a last opportunity to formulate a larger strategy for dealing with the Islamic Republic. “War with Iran
Nick Schulz: “Three inconvenient truths for Occupy Wall Street
Shelley Rigger: “Why giving up Taiwan will not help us with China
Daniel Blumenthal: “How many nuclear-armed countries does Obama want in Asia?
Kenneth P. Green: “The failed Chevy Volt that just won’t go away
Scott Gottlieb, M.D.: “The causes of drug shortages and proposals for repairing these markets
Norman J. Ornstein: “Barney Frank will be missed, unlike super committee
Michael Barone: “Untouched by ’60s, Romney reflects corny ’50s
Reza Jan: “Turbulent North Waziristan: Gul Bahadur threatens to end the peace

What just happened?

The world’s major central banks acted jointly on Wednesday to provide cheaper dollar liquidity to starved European banks facing a credit crunch as the eurozone’s sovereign debt crisis threatened to bring financial disaster. The surprise emergency move by the U.S. Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan and the central banks of Britain, Canada and Switzerland recalled coordinated action to steady global markets in the 2008 financial crisis. (via Reuters)

The move makes clear that regulators increasingly are concerned about the strain that the European debt crisis is placing on financial companies, which are facing increasing difficulty in borrowing through normal channels the money that they need to fund their operations and obligations. (via the NYTimes)

Now in English, please.

European banks have been parched for liquidity, and need access to dollars. The ECB can’t supply them dollars unless it borrows them from the Fed. Essentially, today’s action makes it easier for the ECB and thus European banks to borrow dollars. It’s not a solution to the euro crisis by any means; it just means that the most acute liquidity problems will be mitigated for now. (via Business Insider)

Things must have been getting pretty dicey, yes?

Cutting swap costs is the equivalent of interest rate cuts. These banks are now basically providing unlimited U.S. dollars to banks with which to fund themselves. The banks will be hoping this is a turning point in the crisis. We do not know what caused this decision, we may never know, but the smart money is on the fact that yields on one-year German debt went negative this morning (paying Germany to lend it money). This may have been a signal that the money markets were a short shove away from complete collapse. (Jeremy Cook, chief economist at foreign exchange company World First, in the Daily Telegraph)

So the EU debt crisis is pretty much over?

Mohamed El-Erian, chief executive officer of Pimco has his doubts: “This is a dramatic action, to reduce the price and increase the scope of emergency financing, is aimed at addressing growing dislocations in the functioning of financial markets and the increasing fragility of the banking system. Once again, the world’s central banks are being forced to move aggressively to counter a crisis that has grown in scale and scope because of inadequate policy responses on the part of other agencies. As it is essentially a liquidity band aid, it is critical that this coordinated central bank action end up being a bridge to a more effective and holistic policy response.”

So do the guys at RDQ Economics: “These actions (along with the ECB’s reduction in the initial margin for three-month U.S. dollar loans to its counterparties to 12 percent from 20 percent) are intended to lower the cost of U.S. dollar funding but they obviously do not address the underlying cause of the rise in funding costs, particularly for European banks (we use the analogy of these actions acting like tylenol to combat a fever, but the underlying disease that is causing the fever still needs to be addressed). We continue to believe that expanded bond purchases by the ECB will be required to temporarily stabilize Eurozone debt markets.”

So what is the bottom line?

Eurozone governments now have a bit more time to figure out how to save the eurozone. Markets are happy because it seems the ball is moving forward. But without deep structural reforms in at-risk economies, the ECB probably won’t act. As Paul Ashworth, U.S. economist at Capital Economics, puts it, “This is a very helpful move. The markets clearly love it and liquidity is half the battle. But there is still a broader question to be resolved about solvency. If Italy defaults on its debt tomorrow, it wouldn’t matter how much liquidity you had.”

As Congress prepares to take up the Defense Authorization bill, Republicans on the House Armed Services Committee have release a powerful new web ad that outlines the dangers of defense sequestration and calls on Congress to act now to reverse the cuts. The ad highlights the testimony of members of the Joint Chiefs warning that if the cuts go forward we will have the smallest ground force since 1940, the smallest Marine Corps since the 1950s, and the smallest fighter forces in the history of the Air Force. It quotes Army Chief of Staff General Ray Odierno, declaring that sequestration would mean America would “lose our ability to deter,” and Chief of Naval Operations Admiral James Greenert, declaring that it would “cause irreversible damage” and “hollow the military.” And it highlights statements from FDR and Ronald Reagan on the need to maintain our national defense. Powerful stuff.

You can watch the full ad here:

An Iranian mob’s ransacking of the British embassy compound in Tehran suggests that 2011 is the new 1979. Then, as now, Iranian actions were far from spontaneous. The take-over of the American embassy in 1979 was actually the second time Iranians had breached that compound. What led to the students turning a 48-hour vigil into a 444-day ordeal? On November 5, 1979, a Carter national security aide—most probably Gary Sick, who had the Iran account in the National Security Council—leaked to the Boston Globe that the Carter administration had taken a military response off the table. When Iranian officials read that the next day, they concluded that they could up their demands and hold the hostages for the long haul.

While fault for the latest incident lays 100 percent with the Iranian regime, the British government should have seen this latest embassy attack coming: The Iranian government refuses to respect the inviolability of diplomatic property. Why should they, after all, when they repeatedly reap rewards for their defiance?

The British embassy is especially vulnerable because the Iranian regime does not take the British government seriously. In Iraq, the Iranians laughed at Britain’s much vaunted softly-softly approach. While British officials chided their American counterparts for reacting to insurgency with force, the British famously just bent over and thought of the Queen. Under British supervision, Basra became a safe haven for both Muqtada al-Sadr’s radical militia and the Iranian-trained Badr Corps. If the Iranians had any doubts about messing with the British, these were resolved on a spring day back in 2007 when Iranian guardsmen captured, disarmed, and humiliated their British counterparts. While the British tried to dismiss that as a rogue occurrence, it was anything but: Two days before, against the backdrop of allied efforts to sanction Iran at the UN Security Council, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei declared, “If they take illegal actions [such as sanctioning our nuclear program], we, too, can take illegal actions and will do so.” And, indeed, he did.

If the British are going to earn Iranian respect, they must lay down the law and punish Iran for its actions. The West must isolate Iran until its government seeks penance for all its violations of diplomatic norms. It’s time the West shutters all its embassies in Tehran.

There is good news, however. The Iranians have finally shown their hand: They may dismiss the efficacy of sanctions, but they certainly seem afraid of new sanctions. Now that Tehran has shown sanctions hurt, perhaps it’s time to pile on and grind Iran’s banking sector to a halt. After all, what will Iran do to protest? Seize Zimbabwe’s embassy?

World must respond to Iran’s attack on British embassy

By Ali Alfoneh and Daniel Vajdic

November 29, 2011, 2:48 pm

Today, several hundred militant students attacked the British embassy compound in Tehran, removed the British flag, burned it, and replaced it with Iran’s flag. The students subsequently released a statement in which they stressed that “seizure of the British embassy has taken place with 33 years of delay… the embassy of the Old Fox should have been seized earlier.” The statement maintains that the attack was “conducted by revolutionary students,” and that the move had “not been ordered by any organization or institution.”

But all evidence points to the contrary. The regime in Tehran must be held responsible for its refusal to respect the sanctity of diplomatic conventions. In response to today’s assault on the British embassy, Western governments should close their respective missions in Tehran, which would signal to the Iranian regime that there are consequences when it flagrantly violates international norms.

Two days ago, Fars News Agency ran an editorial titled “Is the British Embassy any different than the United States Den of Espionage?” and yesterday leaders of the Student Basij, a faction of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), openly announced that “students will soon seize the embassy of the Old Fox.”

Interestingly, prior to the attack, Basij leaders called the impending seizure of the British embassy the “third revolution” (the first being the removal of the Shah and the second the seizure of the U.S. embassy in 1979). Thus, the Basij is trying to depict its assault against the British embassy as another turning point in the history of the Islamic Republic.

Tehran believes that the orchestrated attack has intimidated the British government and demonstrated its strength to the Iranian public. But the British government and its Western counterparts should convince the regime that it’s wrong. Once again the Islamic Republic has illustrated that it’s an irresponsible country opposed to the norms and principles of modern state relations. In protest, the responsible countries of the world should close their embassies in Tehran.

Blame Grover?

By Daniel Hanson

November 29, 2011, 1:40 pm

Tonight at 5:30pm, the American Enterprise Debate series returns as Grover Norquist debates Ross Douthat on the effectiveness of the Taxpayer Protection Pledge. The debate can be seen live on AEI’s website, on C-SPAN3, or live here at AEI. To help lay out the contours of the discussion, we asked some young bloggers from around DC to weigh in on the question.

Grover-bashing has become something of a cottage industry in Washington since the Super Committee failed to reach a comprehensive deficit reduction plan. It seems that Republicans and Democrats alike are keen to use Norquist as a scapegoat for the decisions they made or failed to make regarding the budget.

So, is the pledge effective?  You decide.

From Andrew McIndoe at the Bill of Rights Institute:

The Taxpayer Protection Pledge is one of the most impactful policy initiatives and political strategies currently advancing economic prosperity.

It is clear that our nation’s deficit is exclusively a result of Washington’s spending problem. Congress continually makes promises to the American people that are simply unaffordable. Living well beyond its proper functions, the U.S. government invariably lives beyond the means of the American people.

Revenues have remained largely where they have always been while spending has dramatically increased. As noted by the Office of Management and Budget, spending levels have historically equaled 19-20 percent of GDP but have risen to nearly 25 percent of GDP in recent years.

The American people know from experience that if more of their money is sent to Washington to “fix the deficit,” it will be spent on short-term political projects rather than being used to reduce the long-term debt. A pledge not to raise taxes forces politicians to face the real problem: spending.

Politically, the Pledge has ensured that politicians’ feet are held to the fire when they start to consider tax hikes as a way to fund their spending addiction. Critics of the Pledge argue that this does nothing more than create political stalemates. Such an outcome, while frustrating, is not necessarily ruinous. A political impasse is preferable to compromises on core principles that betray American voters in backroom deals.

The vast majority of center right voters believe that Washington has sold them out on issue after issue.  Americans—who are overwhelmingly conservative—have historically low faith in their Congress because of its multi-decade spending binge. The last line of defense for proponents of limited government is that taxes have not been raised. Many want those on the right to muddy the waters on the last bright line left with the American people.

Over the last 25 years, the Pledge has truly protected taxpayers (and their hard earned money) from the overreach of politicians like no one else could have.

From Joseph Henchman at the Tax Foundation:

“Starve the Beast” Not Effective at Federal Level

Before the first decade of the twentieth century, many smart people believed that “starve the beast” could work at restraining federal spending growth. After cutting taxes, or at least not raising them, as Milton Friedman explained, “[r]esulting deficits will be an effective restraint on the spending propensities of the executive branch and the legislature.” The much harder job of rolling up sleeves and cutting spending by terminating ineffective programs and confronting entrenched interests could thus be avoided.

After a decade of experience, we know now that “starve the beast” does not work at the federal level. Instead of creating pressure to reduce expenditures to a smaller revenue total, spending exploded. After the 2001-03 tax cuts, federal spending under the George W. Bush Administration grew 55 percent (29 percent after adjusting for inflation). Defense spending grew 6.8 percent a year even after adjusting for inflation, other discretionary spending grew 5.4 percent a year (again, after adjusting for inflation), and the federal debt rose to 66 percent of GDP.

Why? The best theory I’ve heard is “fiscal illusion”: that tax cuts without spending cuts just reduces the apparent cost of government to the taxpayer. Instead of paying $1 in taxes to get $1 in services, the taxpayer is apparently paying only 70 cents to get $1 in services. Taxpayers thus demand more services. (Some argue that something similar is happening with nearly half of Americans paying no federal income tax, in that they will demand more in services but paid for by other people.) While tax increases lead to increased government spending, so apparently do tax cuts. The only thing that leads to spending cuts is cutting spending.

How You Tax is Just as Important as How Much You Tax

Some advocates of limited government believe that any reduction in government revenue is effective to this end because it puts money in consumers’ hands. However, if the ultimate policy goal is to reduce government involvement in individual and market decisions, tax credits are a poor choice. These credits are often complex, administratively burdensome, use government policy to distort behavior, create damaging uncertainty, and are the result of political micromanaging. Even as a tax credit modestly drops government revenue, it increases government meddling in the economy and resultant harmful outcomes.

One recent example is the ethanol tax credit, which has heavily distorted domestic gasoline prices and foreign food prices (causing hunger overseas, as found by 17 studies) and warped economic decisions by just about everyone who uses energy, for the benefit of a small group of politically-connected insiders. Stopping this unconscionable policy and its harmful outcomes should supersede in importance the relatively small amount of additional revenue the government would gain from ending the tax subsidy. Serious analysis of this and other tax incentives should look not just at the revenue but also other economic costs.

Tax Foundation analysis is guided by the principles of economically sound tax policy: simplicity, transparency, neutrality, stability, and growth-promotion. These principles originally derive from Adam Smith’s “maxims” about taxes from The Wealth of Nations. While we look at revenue impacts, we also look at other costs to taxpayers, such as administrative and compliance costs (Americans now spend 7 billion hours per year complying with the federal tax code), and reduced economic activity caused by a badly designed tax system. We analyze not just whether a tax change would increase or reduce revenue, but also whether it moves us towards a simpler, more sensible tax system.

Conclusion

I don’t like paying taxes but if there are to be taxes, they should be as simple and sensible as possible. Tax policy should be used to raise revenue, not micromanage a complex economy by trying to pick winners and losers in the market. Everyone should kick in a bit, to avoid fiscal illusion. “Starve the beast” has not worked at the federal level, so we should recognize that there is no way out of the hard work of pursuing genuine tax reform.

From Curtis Dubay at the Heritage Foundation:

The Pledge works to keep Congress focused on the cause of our debt problem: Overspending driven by entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare.

Members of Congress will always take the path of least resistance, and tax hikes—although not an actual solution—are often an easier political route to address the debt than reforming entitlements.

Tax hikes should never be considered to fix the debt for three reasons:

  1. Low tax collections are not the problem. Tax receipts are relatively low today because of the recession and anemic recovery. Once the economy recovers—and assuming that current tax policies remain in place (including all the Bush tax cuts)—receipts will quickly rise to their historical average and grow thereafter.
  2. Tax hikes don’t address the cause of the exploding debt. If Congress raises taxes to fix the problem and does nothing to slow the rapid growth in entitlement spending, it will have to continue raising taxes year after year to keep pace. The constantly growing tax burden will slow economic growth and leave succeeding generations a diminished future.
  3. Spending cuts never materialize in “balanced” deals. Any deal that offers spending cuts for tax hikes is fundamentally unbalanced. As Presidents Reagan and Bush I found out, the tax hikes in such deals become permanent law immediately, but succeeding Congresses are under no obligation to abide by the spending levels set by previous Congresses and quickly undo earlier cuts.

Congress needs to cut spending and reform entitlements. Not hike taxes.

From Rizqi Rachmat at the Mercatus Center:

The Taxpayer Protection Pledge seeks to restrict the size and scope of government by limiting tax revenues; however, the focus on taxes may distract our attention away from the central issue driving our debt spiral—excessive government spending. The weight of our compounding debt burden on future generations, then, will ultimately be determined by our ability to successfully address this spending.

The pledge is concomitant with the idea of starving the beast, popularized by Republicans in the 1980s, which assumes that once taxes have been cut, constituencies will demand lower levels of spending in response to deficits. The pledge’s ability to limit spending depends upon a government which views its level of revenue as a binding constraint on its level of spending—history tells us that this is not the modus operandi of the political system in which we operate. The federal government did not shrink much, if at all, under Reagan, and it expanded under George W. Bush. Tax cuts alone can’t bind spending.

While the pledge will not solve our debt problem, it maintains an important function in the debt discussion—it reminds us of the ideals of a free society. It reminds us that voters should be empowered and knowledgeable. It reminds us that politicians should be held accountable for the decisions that they make. It reminds us that we should be moving along the margins of increased freedom and prosperity.

The Taxpayer Protection Pledge places too much emphasis on taxation, so limiting the discussion around balanced-budget amendments, broad-based tax reform, and entitlement reform—some of the many tangible policy solutions that would move us closer to the ideals of a free society.

And, finally, one more contrarian:

The Taxpayer Protection Pledge fails in both principle and practice by creating a perverse structure within Congress’ operations in the following ways:

  1. Limits the ability of statesmen to govern. By taking policy options off the table, it limits the ability of statesmen to provide for the evolving demands of their constituencies. Moreover, politicians are now asked (or, in some instances, required) to sign a litany of pledges to win elections—effectively destroying their ability to govern when in office.
  2. Increases the real cost of government. When politicians are allowed to introduce new programs but are forbidden to introduce ways to fund the programs, the government overspends. Such overspending reallocates real money away from the private sector into government coffers, creating a promise of deficits, debt, and stagnation.
  3. Creates idiotic complexities. Legislators are encouraged to create an increasingly complex tax system in the name of keeping low marginal rates. The explosion of tax expenditures and deductions since 1986 has lowered Federal revenues while raising the real cost of tax compliance and fostering opportunities for tax evasion. While low taxes are positive, it’s idiotic that some mega-corporations pay no income taxes or wasteful programs such as agricultural subsidies cannot be cut—because the Pledge views changes to this system as tax increases.
  4. Makes the tax code unfair. Income taxes might be fundamentally unfair, but simple progressivity is more fair than the current nightmare we call the tax code. The abundant loopholes available to the super-rich add to the dearth of socioeconomic mobility in the United States and cause real tax rates to be much higher on the middle class than their architects (ie, the Reagan administration) intended.
  5. Causes taxes to rise. Because signatories could not make small concessions because of the Pledge, we are set for two massive tax hikes—the expiration of the payroll tax cut and the expiration of the Bush-era tax cuts. Compromise on smaller areas may have allowed these programs to be extended. When Norquist helped defeat George H.W. Bush because he broke his tax pledge, the resultant victory was rather hollow; eight years of Clinton resulted in an explosion of entitlement programs and a rise in tax rates.
  6. Creates political gridlock. Sometimes, gridlock can be positive, but this “do-nothing” Congress has earned its label, as fever-pitched hyper-partisanship has resulted in new lows of Congressional incompetence.

The Pledge, while nice in theory, isn’t effective at achieving what it set out to do: make the tax code simpler, fairer, and lower.

What do you think? Decide tonight and ask your questions on Twitter using the hashtag #AEIDebates.

Citigroup has just released what it thinks is a likely road map for the eurozone (delineation and bold are mine):

1. EA break-up remains unlikely, but risks of break-up have risen markedly: We expect the euro area (EA) sovereign debt and banking crisis to further intensify in 2012, with sovereign yields and bank funding stress remaining high. More substantial ECB involvement will likely be required to prevent a string of EA sovereign defaults.

2. We expect that such action will be forthcoming. ECB action will require four conditions to be satisfied: i) high market stress, ii) a commitment by EA debtor countries to implement further structural and fiscal measures, iii) a commitment by EA creditor/donor countries to provide more extensive fiscal support, iv) EU/EA governance reforms that reduce the likelihood of future crises. ECB action could take the form of much larger SMP purchases or of directly or indirectly funding a vehicle, such as the IMF, EIB, or the EFSF to fund primary issuance of or lend to troubled EA sovereigns.

3. Fiscal tightening, financial tightening and uncertainty imply that we expect the EA to be in recession in 2012 and 2013. … We expect a contraction in GDP of 1.2% in 2012 and a further decline of 0.2% YY in 2013. … If the sovereign debt crisis deepens, the OECD has a downside scenario with a contraction of GDP by 2.1% YY in 2012 and 3.7% YY in 2013. The OECD asks the ECB for a “substantial relaxation of monetary conditions” including cutting interest rates further and expanding the ECB balance sheet to deal with the sovereign debt crisis.

And what if there isn’t a) commitment to structural reform and b) eventual ECB action? Mike Darda of MKM Partners lays it out:

Every measure of the money stock in the eurozone remains submerged below its trend level. Market-based indicators of inflation risk have collapsed. Sovereign bond rates, bank funding costs, and corporate risk spreads have all surged. Euro-area nominal GDP is 10% below its trend level and set to sink further from the stress on credit markets and the resultant threat to the velocity of money. Under these circumstances, further attempts at fiscal austerity are almost sure to fail, in our view. If the ECB does not act forcefully to offset weak monetary growth and/or falling velocity (and, so far, it has not), then it will have to shoulder the blame for presiding over perhaps the largest monetary catastrophe since the 1930s.

Marc A. Thiessen: “The super committee’s 13th member: Occupy Wall Street
Sadanand Dhume: “India goes wild over Wal-Mart
Ali Alfoneh: “Eternal rivals? The Artesh and the IRGC
Danielle Pletka: “Arab League meets, hell freezes over
Katherine Zimmerman: “Yemeni protesters reject terms of GCC deal, immunity clause for Saleh

One of most entertaining reactions to last week’s AEI/Heritage/CNN debate has been the shock and horror of the left on discovering that the advocates of a robust conservative engagement in the world have not all disappeared. As they watched many of the Republican candidates answer questions from AEI scholars, it began to dawn on liberals that a GOP victory in 2012 could mean the return of many national security policies—from robust defense spending to enhanced interrogation and preemption—they thought they had assigned to the dustbin of history.

At the Huffington Post yesterday, Andrea Stone announced:

Their ideology has been declared dead, done in by two wars that have sapped the country of blood and treasure and sent its economy and international reputation plummeting. But if neoconservatism has gone out of style with most Americans, the most controversial and consequential foreign policy philosophy since the end of the Cold War has hardly faded away.

Meanwhile, Carter National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski declared the AEI debate “appalling” and complained:

The Republican would-be candidates are simply regurgitating ideas originally disseminated by the neocons.

The Atlantic’s Steve Clemmons bemoaned:

The resurrection, yet again, of neoconservatives in the foreign policy establishment…. Clearly, the foreign policy wing characterized by Richard Lugar, Chuck Hagel, even Henry Kissinger deserves endangered species status.

And MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow Show had this segment entitled “Everything Old Is Neocon Again,” which declared that having Republican candidates answer questions from AEI scholars “is sort of like when you put Republican candidates in front of Pat Robertson and they all start weeping about finding Jesus.”

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

The liberal hand-wringing over the “return of the neocons” is fun to watch, but it is also a caricature of the state of the foreign policy discussion in the GOP. After all, it was just a few months ago that we were all debating the resurgence of Republican isolationism. Now, we are told, the GOP candidates (save Paul and Huntsman) are all Bush neocon retreads.

This of course ignores the fact that many neoconservatives were deeply critical of the Bush administration during its time in office (for coddling Mubarak and Putin and mishandling post-liberation Iraq, among other policies). And while liberal commentators were quick to point out that Paul Wolfowitz was a key architect of the Iraq war, his question to the candidates was about continuing the fight against AIDS and malaria in Africa—and he found some in the GOP field less than enthusiastic.

It is not at all clear that a Republican victory in 2012 would usher in a new era of neoconservative foreign policy dominance. But based on last week’s debate, a GOP victory would usher out the Obama administration’s policies of gutting defense, retreating from Afghanistan, and leading from behind. That’s a start.

Roger Bate

Millenium Village a total bust

By Roger Bate

November 29, 2011, 10:51 am

The first independent evaluation of the United Nations Millennium Village project, which aimed to increase incomes of targeted Kenyans by subsidizing agricultural development, has just been published.

To those of us who have seen the Villages or read about the practices at the Villages, it comes as no surprise that there is no increase in income. For while there is an increase in agricultural returns to affected households due to the massively subsidized projects supported by taxpayers, these same households have had to be less innovative in other areas of income generation. No doubt the UN and Columbia University’s Jeff Sachs, who champion the project, will spin their own reasons why this new report is flawed, but for the rest of us it is just another failed aid project.

Sadanand Dhume

What next for Pakistan’s army?

By Sadanand Dhume

November 29, 2011, 9:14 am

As Afghans and Pakistanis trade charges over the circumstances that led to the death of 24 Pakistani soldiers on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border Saturday, once again the Pakistani army finds itself under scrutiny. Afghan and Western officials say Afghan troops called in the air strike that killed the Pakistanis in self-defense, after coming under fire. The Pakistani version of events, by contrast, suggests that the soldiers were attacked in their sleep without provocation. NATO officials have promised a full investigation.

While we wait for the truth to emerge, one thing is certain: U.S.-Pakistan relations—already rocky following the raid in May that killed Osama bin Laden in the garrison town of Abbottabad—have sunk to another low, one of many this year. Pakistan has asked the United States to completely evacuate an air base in remote Balochistan province used for drone strikes against militant targets. It has also shuttered NATO supply routes into Afghanistan, which account for about half of all coalition cargo. (But down from more than 70 percent two years ago.)

In my WSJ column last week, spurred by the resignation of Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States under murky circumstances, I wrote that the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is headed toward being less expansive and more transactional. In an age of television, public opinion in both countries reflects deep mutual suspicions. Only 12 percent of Pakistanis hold a favorable opinion of the United States, the second lowest such figure in the world. According to Rasmussen Reports, 40 percent of Americans regard Pakistan as an enemy.

On November 30 we’ll host a panel discussion at AEI to discuss the situation in Pakistan and what it means for the United States. Our focus will be on the Pakistani army, the country’s most powerful institution by a long measure. If the United States and Pakistan are to avoid the recurrence of incidents like this weekend’s, their armies will need to work out clearer ways of communicating along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. At the same time, if Pakistan’s fledgling democracy is to have a chance of flowering, its generals will have to give up their virtual monopoly on their country’s policies toward Afghanistan and India, and also develop a keener appreciation for the idea of civil supremacy than they have managed thus far.

Kenneth P. Green

Durban sprawl

By Kenneth P. Green

November 28, 2011, 2:06 pm

Those who can pry their eyes away from Climategate 2.0 long enough to care about international climate negotiations will be breathless with anticipation of what will come out of this year’s meeting of the United Nations Conference of the Parties, which is being held in Durban, South Africa. This is the group of grandees that gave the world the Kyoto Protocol, a economic destruction pact greenhouse gas reduction pact among developing countries that expires in 2012.

Or perhaps they won’t be breathless, since these meetings become more and more farcically formulaic year after year. All that really changes is the nature of the street theater attending the conferences, and with all the Occupy stuff, I’m guessing we all have street-theater fatigue.

The Durban negotiations (as virtually all other negotiations before this) will come down to three key points of contention:

1) Whether to re-affirm or strengthen hard greenhouse gas reduction targets agreed upon in the Kyoto Protocol;

2) Whether developing countries should accept such targets themselves; and

3) Whether the developed countries will buy off the developing countries with lots of cash transfers.

The answers are likely to be “No, no, and no,” though they’ll undoubtedly be dressed up in diplomatic language and pledges of ongoing cooperation. The Europeans (and the Canadians, and Japanese) seem to have had enough of the “binding targets” approach after realizing that a) it was expensive, and b) unless the rest of the world went along, it would offer no environmental benefit whatsoever. This was blindingly obvious from the beginning of the process, but it wasn’t convenient to admit it before. Now, with Europe facing the euro-pocalypse, the UK facing skyrocketing energy prices, Canada under siege for its oil-sand greenhouse gas emissions, and Japan phasing out nuclear power, things have changed a bit. The developing countries are no more willing to accept binding reduction targets now than they have ever been, despite China’s ascent to the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter. And, if anything, the probability of bulk-wealth transfers from developed countries to their economic competitors in the developing world looks even less likely than usual.

One can expect the Durban negotiators to agree on one thing, however: that the international junket process must go on. Since the last major meeting in Copenhagen 2009, workshops and meetings have been held in Bonn (repeatedly), Cancun, Bangkok, Panama City, and Tianjin, China.

Gotta keep those flyer mile accounts growing!

Well, the reviews are in, and the award for the most pathetic commentary on the AEI/Heritage/CNN debate goes to Alexandra Petri of the Washington Post, who complained in this weekend’s paper that the debate had … well … too much substance for her tastes.

“Train wrecks are fun to watch. This was no train wreck,” Petri wrote. Apparently a serious discussion of matters of war and peace was just too boring for Petri.  She wanted more blood on the floor, more fights, more embarrassing gaffes—you know, the stuff that makes presidential debates more exciting, like reality TV.

Calling the debate a “boring mid-season episode,” Petri writes:

There were no real cliffhangers, except at the very end of the debate when Rick Santorum began to say something about militant socialists and radical Islamists in South America bonding together to destroy our way of life. But no one pays attention to his subplot, anyway.

It was like watching a figure skater fail to qualify for medals. It was perfectly fine. Nobody fell. No one exploded in flames…. If this debate walked into a bar with the other debates, it would have to work pretty hard to induce anyone to take it home. It’s a six, at best, and some of these things have been eights. Even Herman Cain’s referring to Wolf Blitzer as “Blitz” wasn’t enough to redeem it.

I know she was trying (hard) to be funny, but this could well be the saddest and most revealing commentary on a presidential debate ever written. As I have pointed out, the last five American presidents (three Republicans and two Democrats) have deployed U.S. forces in conflicts they did not anticipate before taking office. Yet until AEI stepped into the breach, there had been virtually no discussion of the vital national security issues that might face the next commander in chief.

I’m sorry “no one exploded in flames” for Petri’s viewing pleasure. I’m even sorrier that she thinks this would be preferable to a serious discussion of the growing alliance between Hugo Chavez, Iran, and Hezbollah … the growing danger from the al-Qaeda-affiliated Somali terrorist group al-Shabaab … what sanctions, if any, might stop Iran from completing its drive for a nuclear weapon … whether the efforts to fight AIDS and malaria in Africa should continue … or whether an expanded drone campaign in Pakistan is sufficient to defeat al-Qaeda.

The fact that Petri needed “beer goggles” to see the virtue of this discussion is telling.

Peter J. Wallison

A mixed legacy for Barney Frank

By Peter J. Wallison

November 28, 2011, 12:45 pm

It is always unfortunate to see a highly intelligent and knowledgeable member of Congress retire, and that is also true of Barney Frank (D-Massachusetts). Although he was the principal protector of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for many years—claiming that he could see no need for additional regulation and arguing that the Bush administration’s effort to control the GSEs would have the adverse effect of reducing their commitment to affordable housing—he had the good sense to change his mind and develop strong regulatory legislation that became law just before the financial crisis hit.

Still, his career was marred by excessive partisanship, defensiveness, and an intellectual arrogance that prevented him from recognizing his errors until it was too late to save Fannie and Freddie or prevent the 2008 financial catastrophe in which they played the primary role. By the time Fannie and Freddie failed, they had accumulated 12 million subprime and other low quality and risky loans—about 40 percent of the 27 million outstanding—mostly for the purpose of meeting the affordable housing goals he fought to protect. The defaults on these loans, which are continuing, will ultimately cost the U.S. taxpayers $300 to $400 billion.

He will say, of course, that he did not become chairman of the House Financial Services Committee until 2006—that the Republicans were at fault for failing to act sooner when they were in the majority. There is some truth in this, but if he had been willing to work with the Republicans on the HFSC instead of insisting that there were no problems with Fannie and Freddie, legislation might have been adopted in the early 2000s that could have prevented the financial crisis and saved the taxpayers from severe losses.

In the end, he realized his mistake, telling Larry Kudlow in a 2010 interview: “I hope by next year we’ll have abolished Fannie and Freddie . . . it was a great mistake to push lower-income people into housing they couldn’t afford and couldn’t really handle once they had it.”

Daniel Rothschild

The Obama stimulus: Fighting talking points with talking points

By Daniel Rothschild

November 28, 2011, 11:54 am

In this morning’s Gray Lady, Bill Keller wrings his hands over the state of economic policy discourse in an age of hyperbole and half-truths. His complaints aren’t without merit. But he falls victim to the very behavior he seeks to condemn.

About the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), Keller writes:

The Web site PolitiFact, the Pulitzer-winning fact-checking service, recently did a thorough debunking of Republican claims that Obama’s 2009 stimulus program created, quote, “zero jobs.” In fact, the checkers established, using still-trustworthy sources like the Congressional Budget Office, that the stimulus created or saved a couple of million jobs. Case closed? No, the Republicans just went on repeating the claim.

“The talking points drive the discourse,” said Bill Adair, the editor of PolitiFact. “They repeat the talking points so often I think they start actually believing them.”

But Keller is fighting a talking point with a talking point. And while his may be less untrue than the one he seeks to debunk, it’s still not totally accurate.

As Peter Suderman has ably reported, the CBO’s estimates of job creation are just that—estimates. All that the CBO has really done in their quarterly reports on ARRA (the most recent of which came out last week) is to re-run their pre-existing models, tweaked slightly, using new data about actual spending. But the underlying assumptions about stimulus remain basically the same. In other words, before ARRA passed they said it would create X jobs per Y dollars spent. And now they’re saying that since we’ve spent X dollars, we must have created Y jobs.

This isn’t to fault the CBO, and they have been abundantly clear about the limitations on their ability to accurately assess the impact of ARRA. But it’s misleading to suggest that the CBO has done empirical, ex post analysis of actual job creation. As CBO chief Douglas Elmendorfer put it in 2010, “if the stimulus bill did not do what it was originally forecast to do, then that would not have been detected by the subsequent analysis.”

Finally, the CBO has never given a precise number of jobs created, but rather a range. The high estimates range from 900,000 jobs created in 2009 to a high of 3.2 million jobs in 2010. But the lower end estimates run from 200,000 jobs to 700,000 jobs. That’s quite a range, and only citing the favorable estimates is misleading.

It is, in other words, a talking point.

The core argument of the Occupy movement and its Obamacrat friends is this: The rich stole all the money. That explains why over the past four decades, the income of the broad American middle class supposedly has stagnated even as the economy expanded. Why? Did you forget already? The rich stole all the money. And now it’s time to take it back.

And here are the numbers behind that claim, as calculated by the University of Chicago’s Tino Sanandaji (an absolute must-follow blogger, too): Between 1970 and 2008, real per capita GDP increased by 108 percent (based on national accounts data calculated by the Bureau of Economic Analysis). But according to economists Thomas Piketty and Emanuel Saez — favorites of inequality alarmists — the taxable income of the bottom 99 percent increased by just 12 percent. So the real GDP per person doubled but middle class incomes barely budged? Income inequality must be the culprit. The rich stole (nearly) all the money.

But, as Sanandaji points, Piketty and Saez dramatically underestimate income growth during the period, finding that real average taxable income for everyone grows by just 29 percent. His solution:

My simple method is combining the best income-distribution estimate (from Pickety&Saez) with the best income-growth estimates (from GDP numbers). This method shows that that between 1970-2008 the real per capita income of the “Bottom 99 Percent” grew by 80%, and the income of the “Bottom 90 Percent” grew by 60%.

Well, 80 percent is a lot more than 12 percent. But let’s look at things another way. From 1975-2009, real per capita GDP increased by 90 percent vs. 17 percent growth in real median household income, as measured by the Census Bureau. What happened? Again, the rich stole all the money. Yet if you make a couple simple adjustment for household size and a more accurate inflation measure, a different picture emerges, as Sanandaji illustrates:

 

 

These calculations are in line with new research from University of Chicago’s Bruce Meyer and Notre Dame’s James Sullivan, who find that “median income and consumption both rose by more than 50 percent in real terms between 1980 and 2009.”

Let’s sum up. Income inequality may have increased in recent decades, but a stagnating middle class has not been the result. And the 1 percent didn’t steal all the money.

 


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