The Enterprise Blog

Archive for August, 2010

Karlyn Bowman

Channeling Charles Murray

By Karlyn Bowman

August 31, 2010, 6:04 pm

publik15Today’s Wall street Journal excerpts a nugget from a recent piece by Camille Paglia in which she excoriates the education establishment for “trendy, word-centered educations” and calls for a “sweeping revalorization of the trades.” She continues, “The pressuring of middle class young people into office-bound paper-pushing jobs is cruelly shortsighted. Concrete manual skills, once gained through the master apprentice alliance in guilds, build a secure identity.” Charles Murray made a similar point in his book Real Education (Crown Forum, 2008), in which he argued that getting a BA is the wrong decision on economic grounds for many high school graduates, and also one that it is unlikely to be satisfying for them. He, too, wants to return prestige to and confer value on careers as electricians, carpenters, and other trades. Great minds.

Image by public15.

rey-christopherThe success of President Obama’s Oval Office address tonight comes down to a fundamental question: Is this a speech about ending wars or winning them? If it’s the former, the speech could be disastrous. If it is the latter, this could be an important, even historic, address.

Because Obama rarely speaks about the war on terror, the stakes tonight are especially high. Key audiences across the world will be listening to, and parsing, every word.

Clearly the president wants to take credit for ending the war in Iraq. In his radio address this weekend, he managed to mention “ending” the war seven times in a five-minute speech—a new land speed record. This was obviously intended to appease his left-wing, antiwar base, which does not support the fight in either Iraq or Afghanistan.

Tonight, however, Obama needs to focus on three other, far more important audiences: our troops, our allies, and our enemies.

When it comes to our troops, President Bush always told his speechwriters that a soldier on a street corner in Fallujah or Kandahar does want to hear the commander in chief talk about withdrawal—he wants to hear him talk about his commitment to victory. Our troops want to know President Obama has their backs—and that he fully backs the mission for which they are risking their lives. Tonight the troops will be watching to assess whether Obama cares more about prevailing than he cares about withdrawing.

Our allies will be watching and making a similar assessment—and so will our enemies. Al Qaeda and the Taliban read the president’s silence on the war on terror as a lack of resolve. It is vital that they hear the opposite message tonight: that so long as he is commander in chief, Obama will not let al Qaeda make a comeback in Iraq—and that he is determined to prevail in Afghanistan.

On Iraq, the president needs to send a message that even after our combat mission comes to a close, he will not squander the gains our troops have made—and that he is committed to helping Iraqis build a stable democracy that is not a safe haven for terrorism. And while it may frustrate his base, he also needs to avoid making a Guantanamo-like promise to withdraw all American forces by a date certain next year. Like the Guantanamo pledge, he will not be able to keep such a promise—nor should he.

When America ended its combat missions in Germany, Japan, and Korea, we left behind tens of thousands of troops to guarantee peace and stability—a decision that enabled the rise of three strong democratic allies. Had we not done so, our enemies would have stepped in to fill the security vacuum—sowing chaos and instability. That is precisely what Iran and al Qaeda will do if all American forces are withdrawn from Iraq next year. Certainly this is not the legacy Obama wants to leave behind in the Middle East.

The president also needs to speak clearly about America’s commitment to victory in Afghanistan. Administration officials cooperated with a major profile of Obama as commander in chief in this Sunday’s New York Times, in which they explained that the reason the president rarely speaks about Afghanistan is because he does not want to call attention to an unpopular war. Well, perhaps one reason the war is unpopular is because the president is not out there rallying the country, explaining the stakes, and declaring his determination to prevail. He has a critical opportunity to do so tonight.

If the president is focused tonight on sending a message of resolve to our troops, our allies, and our enemies, this could be one of the most consequential speeches of his young presidency. But if he focuses instead on appeasing the antiwar base of his party with promises of withdrawal, the speech could be potentially disastrous—for our security, and for his presidency as well.

Image by Rey Christopher.

Nick Schulz

We’re All Surge-ians Now

By Nick Schulz

August 31, 2010, 3:07 pm

Pete Wehner points out that today is opposite day at Robert Gibbs’ office.

“What is certainly not up for question is that President Obama, then-candidate Obama, said that adding those 20,000 troops into Iraq would, indeed, improve the security situation, and it did,” Press Secretary Robert Gibbs said on the Today show this morning, in anticipation of Mr. Obama’s Oval Office address this evening.

That statement is false. As I pointed out in this COMMENTARY essay, on the night of President Bush’s “surge” announcement, then-Senator Obama proclaimed: “I am not persuaded that 20,000 additional troops in Iraq are going to solve the sectarian violence there. In fact, I think it will do the reverse” [emphasis added].

koizumiAs usual, I’m late to following Reihan Salam’s excellent thoughts on all things, but in this case Japan. Reihan writes about a recent Adam Posen talk on the strength of Japan’s recovery under Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi from 2002 to 2008. The successes of writing off bad loans, reversing deflation, recapitalizing Japanese banks, removing some onerous regulations, and the like did lead to a solid recovery for much of the decade.

Yet, in retrospect, I think the Koizumi recovery will be seen as less than meets the eye. For all his success, Koizumi was not able to change Japan’s fundamentals, which in many cases are more social than economic, as I’ve argued here. Income growth during the Koizumi years was largely stagnant, and the majority of new jobs in the workplace went to temporary workers, who have been the first to be laid off in the 2008 recession. Moreover, while Koizumi set the stage for privatization of the postal system, the world’s largest pool of liquid assets, that reform is all but dead, killed by a succession of Liberal Democratic and Democratic Party leaders who are more interested in rural vote-getting than in pushing market-oriented reforms. Above all, Japan’s growth during these years was almost solely export based, which collapsed with the global meltdown in 2008. Japanese consumers are just as pessimistic today as they were in 2001, and Japanese companies find themselves losing market share to aggressive Korean and Chinese manufacturers.

All in all, while Koizumi and his economics guru Heizo Takenaka pointed the way to potentially sustainable economic growth (given a continually healthy global economy), they failed in changing Japan’s social or political fundamentals to ensure their economic vision. Thus, when they left the building, so did Japan’s recovery.

Image byAgencia Brasil.

Nick Schulz

October Surprise: Tax Cuts?

By Nick Schulz

August 31, 2010, 10:59 am

At the beginning of the year I predicted:

President Obama will push for comprehensive tax reform and reach out to Republicans to do it.

Now Joe Wiesenthal reports on Wall Street chatter that Obama might push for an October surprise of tax cuts.

Stay tuned.

Green: Telework offers significant economic, environmental, and security benefits. “Should the Government Expand Telework?”
Hess: Race to the Top Limps to the Finish Line
Reinhart and Reinhart: The shock from the financial crisis is likely to be deep and persistent. “Beware Those Who Think the Worst Is Past
Bolton:Obama Wrecked Iraq
Wolfowitz:In Korea, a Model for Iraq

flightoutReihan Salam has an extremely interesting blog post asking if the United States will become “the Old Country” from which young people emigrate for places that are more attractive and hospitable to talent.

Will your children emigrate from the United States? Louis Uchitelle’s story on Scott Nicholson and “the elusive American dream” was widely criticized. And Scott’s grandfather did sound a bit loopy when he said the following:

“I view what is happening to Scott with dismay,” said the grandfather, who has concluded, in part from reading The Economist, that Europe has surpassed America in offering opportunity for an ambitious young man. “We hate to think that Scott will have to leave,” the grandfather said, “but he will.”

I doubt that Europe is offering ambitious young men more opportunity than the U.S., though perhaps Estonia or Poland are a decent bet. I can, however, imagine a scenario in which other countries start succeeding in their efforts to attract U.S. talent.

One element of Reihan’s scenario is excessively high marginal tax rates might encourage resourceful, wealthy Americans to park their human and financial capital overseas. Reihan’s post is penetrating and deeply insightful and you should RTWT.

An important consideration that Reihan doesn’t discuss is the effect not just of the tax burden but the cumulative effect of other relative obstacles to a nation’s entrepreneurial culture. Consider this blog post, “Why I’m giving up on Europe and moving my startup to China“:

I was leaving all this behind—this engineering efficiency, this orderliness, this sanity. As the plane jumped into the air, my heart dropped and my eyes struggled to hold on to some part of this place. Then the wing came between me and the ground and that quick silence fell over the plane—the silence that means you are no longer leaving, you have now left.

Hong Kong would be the next stop.

I was sitting in the Airbus A380. The largest airplane in the world, built in Europe by European engineers. A technical marvel that could have been built almost nowhere in the world apart from Europe or the U.S. Why would I leave the place with such a high engineering standard for a place that is still the wild west of engineering?

Because life in China is like living in a startup and life in Europe is like being in a big company.

Europe, and in particular Germany, is a very controlled place. There is a ministry that is responsible for everything—from registering your company through declaring your profits, there are a large number of rules and regulations that you need to know about, and they will come down hard on you if you get them wrong.

These rules are also very difficult to discover and very difficult to implement correctly. From the situation with healthcare for your employees through to filing your taxes correctly, the amount of paperwork is insane and complex.

There are so many little ‘unfreedoms’ in europe that seems insignificant, but together they add up to a society that advocates safety over freedom. All these rules and regulations are there to protect people from harming themselves, but the end result is a nice, peaceful society in which you have several well regulated ways to bore yourself.

The author is not speaking of the United States, but with a few twists and wrinkles he could one day write a similar tale about the land of opportunity. And the author acknowledges the huge advantages of comfort, ease, security, and technological advance to be had in the West. And this is what should worry us. It might not be just the higher marginal tax burden that Reihan worries about that will push enterprising people away. It’s the slow but steady erosion of a culture of freedom and open-endedness at the hands of countless large and small “unfreedoms.”

Image by Mark Lacoste.

Cheryl Miller

Is ROTC Making a Comeback?

By Cheryl Miller

August 30, 2010, 3:55 pm

rotc1More news on the ROTC front. According to Time magazine, Harvard University’s ROTC program commissioned 11 officers this May. This is no small achievement. Since Harvard does not officially recognize ROTC, cadets must travel to nearby MIT to participate and receive no-course credit for ROTC classes. (Generous alumni help cover commuting costs and cross-registration fees—or else, cadets would be paying out of their own pockets for the opportunity to serve their country.) Here’s how Time describes the hectic schedule of one Navy cadet:

Shawna Sinnott spent the last four years performing a balancing act: she took courses for her self-designed major at Harvard, practiced her jazz number for the Miss Massachusetts Pageant, and woke up at 4:30 a.m. three days a week for Navy ROTC training across town at MIT …

… “I was very surprised, some people [on campus] have never met anyone in uniform,” says Sinnott, who is now a Second Lieutenant in the Marine Corp. “That was shocking for me growing up in a military family.”

Until the status quo changes, there are at least some undergraduates at elite institutions who will continue to travel to ROTC programs on other campuses. “It’s about the same time commitment as a varsity sport,” Sinnott says of her years in ROTC. “But the stakes are higher because what you’re doing determines if people are going to live or die.”

As they say, read the whole thing.

Cheryl Miller is manager of AEI’s Program on American Citizenship.

Image by the U.S. Army.

happybirthdayOver at National Review, the Cato Institute’s Mike Tanner and I have been involved in a friendly back and forth regarding how conservatives and libertarians should think about Social Security reform. While Mike and I hardly represent the broad spectrum of views on Social Security, and maybe not even the full spectrum on the right, I think it’s a worthwhile discussion because the issue is ripe (Social Security ain’t about to fix itself) and conservatives may soon have the chance to have their voices heard again on the issue, either through the fiscal commission or through a potential Republican majority in the House. Mike initially wrote on the issue in his National Review Online column; I commented in an NRO piece this morning; Mike has some additional comments at The Corner. Here I’ll respond to what Mike writes at The Corner.

Broadly speaking, our discussion is more about costs and benefits than basic philosophy. Both of us have favored Social Security reform that includes personal accounts. The question is whether the gains from accounts-based reform—in policy terms, financial terms, and philosophical terms—are worth the political capital involved in passing it. I’ve come to the conclusion that they aren’t.

Mike’s first point is that, even if personal accounts-based reform wouldn’t pay a higher return overall—that is, they wouldn’t make Social Security “a better deal”—they are a benefit to low earners who currently don’t hold stocks. I basically agree, since there are benefits, both financial and in terms of political risk, to diversifying your retirement savings. Diversification, not higher returns, is one way that accounts could have been sold in the past. That said, some economists I trust argue that the gains would be pretty modest. Certainly, the improvement for low earners wouldn’t be anything near the increase in expected rates of return, which are mostly a function of the increased risk of stocks. So I grant the point, but I just don’t think the welfare gains are big enough to justify the massive political costs in trying to pass personal accounts.

Continue reading here.

Image by ProgressOhio.

Congress is due back from its August recess and someday may even get around to thinking about reauthorizing the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). As it does so, it may even remember that there is a blueprint for how the Obama administration hopes to rebuild the new law (see here). Looking at the Education Department’s Blueprint for Reform, there is a consistent theme and a vision throughout, but the odds that the described edifice will ever be built seem pretty low.

The underlying vision is evident by the number of times a variation of the same phrase repeats itself over and over again: “our proposal includes competitive grants to …” [emphasis added].

Continue reading here.

Wallison: New financial regulation changes the government’s role in the U.S. economy. “The Dodd-Frank Act: Creative Destruction, Destroyed
Reinhart and Reinhart: A grim look at the economic landscape following financial crises. “After the Fall
Biggs: Personal accounts for Social Security do not eliminate the program’s financing shortfall. “Personal Accounts Are No Cure-All
Barro: Obama administration policies have caused the disappointing economic recovery. “The Folly of Subsidizing Unemployment
Rubin:Ten Fallacies about Web Privacy
Hassett: Christie Channels Reagan to Become Anti-Obama
Barone:From Alaska to Australia, Voters Surprise the Establishment
Ornstein: Without reform, the filibuster threatens to halt the Senate. “A Filibuster Fix

little-leagueOn Saturday, two teams from Asia played for the Little League international championship. One team was from Japan, the other from the Republic of China—commonly referred to as Taiwan. In an exciting, extra-inning game, the team of 11- and 12-year-olds from Japan came from behind to win 3–2. (The Japanese then went on to defeat a team from Hawaii for the overall Little League championship on Sunday, while the team from Taiwan defeated a team from Texas in the third-place consolation game, which was also played on Sunday.)

The championship tournament, held in South Williamsport, Pennsylvania, is a big deal, drawing top Little League teams from around not only the United States but also from Europe, the Caribbean, Latin America, Asia, and the nations of the Pacific. The games are televised on ESPN and, for the final weekend, are covered by ABC, with top-of-the-line announcers doing the play-by-play and color commentary.

But if you were watching the game on TV or looked online, you would never know that the team from Taiwan is from the Republic of China or Taiwan. Instead, the team is designated as “Chinese Taipei.” Now, one would think that, when it comes to a game meant for children, that great power politics wouldn’t play a part but, unfortunately, that’s not the case. Because of asinine rules set by the Department of State back in the late 1970s when the U.S. government decided to formally recognize the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and end official diplomatic ties to the Republic of China, the good folks from that country are prohibited from using “Republic of China” in the United States when referring to their nation. Nor are they allowed to use the informal name “Taiwan.” Because of PRC bullying, the initial obstinacy of the Kuomintang (KMT) —the party that ruled the ROC as a one-party state for some five decades—in refusing to have anything to do with a name that suggested it was not the legitimate government of all China, and the continuing pusillanimity of one American administration after another, the people of this now self-governing island cannot use Taiwan here in the United States lest it suggest that there are two distinct governments and two distinct peoples, and not “one China.”

However, as it is sometimes said, “out of the mouths of babes” comes true understanding. As ABC’s Brent Musburger was attempting to explain to his audience why the team from the ROC was called “Chinese Taipei” when the team was neither from China nor from Taipei, but a city to the island’s south, he finally just short-handed it all by noting that it was just a case of politics. But, tellingly and to his credit, he then went on to say that whenever you asked one of the players where they were from, they all responded, “Taiwan.” Now, if I had to bet given what I know of Chinese diplomats, I’d say that ABC has already gotten a call from the PRC embassy about Musburger’s last remark. Of course, that doesn’t change the fact—which the players of course reflected—that Taiwan has become an independent, democratic polity whose citizens, while largely ethnically Chinese, do not (in poll after poll) think of themselves as belonging to the mainland in any shape or form.

How embarrassing it is that the United States, the world’s leading democracy, continues to play this game—and, even more embarrassingly, does so in the games children play.

Image by Ed Yourdon.

paperworkLast Tuesday, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan announced round-two winners in the $4.35 billion Race to the Top (RTT) program. By Tuesday night, there was outrage that admired reform states such as Colorado and Louisiana had lost while head-scratchers such as Hawaii, Maryland, and Ohio won. By Thursday, there was grumbling that some judges had savaged Colorado for failing to attach a copy of Senate Bill 10-191, and that presentation skills had helped determine the results. By Friday, the big story was not the contest but New Jersey Governor Christie’s decision to fire his commissioner of education for misrepresenting what efforts had been made to inform the RTT reviewers about a paperwork error in the application. It all brings to mind something I noted last winter: that RTT was a good idea that could all-too-easily go south.

All of this has pushed even Andy Rotherham, my good friend and an influential Democratic education policy operative, to concede substantial problems with the once-heralded RTT program. Andy writes:

A general consensus has emerged that again there were problems with the scoring. Not the sensational political tampering claims that some people are trying to allege, there is no evidence of that, but rather problems with the process. Those problems are at once more mundane and a lot more far-reaching.

Andy, who is credited with authoring a Brookings white paper that helped inspire RTT, points out that “In the case of Race to the Top, while it wasn’t a disaster, there were enough problems that some people favorably inclined … are now asking if the federal government, with all the political and substantive constraints upon it, can really run a reliable high-stakes competition.” He notes that numerous conflicts of interest made necessary a “sub-optimal” pool of reviewers. He observes that panels which helped states prep for the contest frequently appeared more knowledgeable and incisive than the actual RTT reviewers and that they paid more attention to “the guts of the applications and the connective tissue that really makes plans like this rise or fall.” He continues, “Likewise, the actual reviewer comments and scoring variances … don’t always inspire confidence, to put it gently.”

He concludes that RTT was “constrained by a flawed process” and urges Duncan to convene some kind of commission to dig into the problems and challenges, including, “What are best practices for ensuring reliability among and between reviewers? … Is more training needed, and if so what kind? What else has to change if substantial amounts of federal aid are to be allocated this way?”

All of this is terrific and I’d regard it as gratifying if Andy and other Democratic reformers hadn’t pooh-poohed these same questions as a paranoid attack when I raised them last winter. At the time, I wrote:

RTT lacks even modest safeguards because the administration has moved forward with a lack of attention to several crucial elements. The degree to which political appointees were involved in hand-picking reviewers is not clear. Reviewers selected by Education Department officials have been ceaselessly bombarded through the media with clear signals as to which states those same officials think should win. And despite the fact that they are working with novel criteria that include many obvious tensions, it’s not clear how reviewers are supposed to translate thousands of pages of narrative and vague promises into the intricate point system Education Department established.

Back then, I offered a list of questions for Secretary Duncan to answer in order “to alleviate these concerns.” Those questions were roundly dismissed as irrelevant or persnickety by administration supporters. Some of those questions included:

•    What criteria were used to select reviewers?
•    What constituted a conflict of interest in selecting reviewers?
•    What kinds of instructions were given to reviewers?
•    How much weight are the reviewers supposed to accord to the boldness of promises the states make versus the credibility of those promises?
•    What will constitute states failing to deliver what they promised? What are the consequences?
•    What are the “finalists” expected to say during their dog-and-pony show visit that they haven’t already said in the tens of thousands of words in their applications?

Might’ve been nice if would-be reformers had sorted through these questions before we gave away $4 billion, rather than after.

Image by Keith Williamson.

wifiThe WaPo’s Rob Pegeraro asks why his own paper’s editorial on the Google-Verizon deal “does not mention the biggest loophole in the Google-Verizon proposal—the idea that net-neutrality rules need not cover wireless access.” The newspaper’s editors understand that wireless capacity is greatly constrained and demand is rapidly increasing. Wireless already blocks P2P applications—in other words, it’s not “net neutral” and never has been. This is one reason it’s not a good idea to impose regulations to preserve “net neutrality” over wireless when it has never existed.

Image by Marc Lostracco.

rotcYesterday, my colleague Gary Schmitt and I published an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal about the civil-military divide and how an expanded Reserve Officer’s Training Corps (ROTC) can bridge that gap. We’ve gotten a lot of great responses, both on the AEI Facebook page and the Wall Street Journal comments section. There are a few common concerns and questions that keep coming up, so we want to address them briefly in this space.

1) We are not arguing for bringing back the draft.

Many service men and women wrote to say they had no interest in serving with a draftee. They’re right. As we wrote in our op-ed, the all-volunteer force has done a remarkable job. Bringing back the draft isn’t necessary and would be a mistake. As Gary put it in 2007:

Converting today’s volunteer military into a conscript force would result in a dramatic degradation of its effectiveness and professionalism, seriously reducing its competence in precisely the areas most urgently required in post-combat operations—policing, training of indigenous forces, and counterinsurgency operations. It is impossible, moreover, to imagine a system of conscription that is remotely fair.

Continue reading this post.

Image by The U.S. Army.

Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke’s Jackson Hole speech today attests to how little he has learnt from the 2008-2009 Great Economic Recession. On the very morning that U.S. gross domestic product growth estimates for the second quarter were revised down to a paltry 1.6 percent, Bernanke grudgingly acknowledges that “the pace of economic recovery in output and employment has slowed somewhat.”

And, seemingly oblivious to the fast-fading economic support from the fiscal stimulus package and inventory cycle, as well as to the major drag on U.S. economic growth from the unemployment and housing foreclosure crises, he assures us that “despite the recent economic slowing, it is reasonable to expect some pick-up in growth in 2011.” This all too sanguine assessment leads him to believe that at present there is no need for further monetary policy easing.

Sadly, Bernanke’s dismissal of any real risk of a double-dip economic recession and of a rise in unemployment to double-digit levels is putting him once again behind the monetary policy curve. As in 2008, he will find again that once he is forced to aggressively resort to quantitative easing by a crumbling domestic economy, it will be too late to have prevented the onset of a new recession.

It will also prove too late to have prevented deflationary forces from taking hold in the U.S. economy. This is all the more the pity since with the U.S. public finances already so compromised, monetary policy is now the only game in town. And Bernanke’s speech today suggests that he is once again in the process of dropping the ball.

coalplantTime to revisit my mid-June article on “Environmentalists as Battered Spouses,” because two new data points have arrived in the past week underscoring that environmentalists are the chumps of the Left.

First, with the complete collapse of cap-and-trade in the Senate, the greens should face the ironic fact that if Senator John McCain had been elected president in 2008, we’d almost certainly have some form of cap-and-trade in place right now. Recall that McCain cosponsored two previous cap-and-trade proposals in the Senate and would have made cap-and-trade a higher priority than healthcare reform. He could also have brought some Republicans along for the ride. Yet despite his green sentiments, McCain received a zero rating from the League of Conservation Voters in 2007 and 2008, while President Obama received perfect marks (when he showed up to vote, that is). So, environmentalists threw in their lot with Obama.

How has Obama paid them back? Not only has Obama notably abandoned the public case for greenery (as noted in my previous article), but this week the Justice Department took the side of the coal-fired electric utility industry against an environmental lawsuit that aims to force utilities to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. As the New York Times reports:

“We feel stabbed in the back,” [the plaintiff's attorney Matt] Pawa said. “This was really a dastardly move by an administration that said it was a friend of the environment. With friends like this, who needs enemies?”

Top attorneys at environmental advocacy groups are buzzing about the brief, sources say. Some feel betrayed by a White House that has generally been more amenable to environmental regulation than its predecessor.

“This reads as if it were cut and pasted from the Bush administration’s briefing in Massachusetts,” said David Bookbinder, who served as the Sierra Club’s chief climate counsel until his resignation in May.

Add to this the administration’s recent report, which hadn’t passed peer review, about minimizing damage to the Gulf of Mexico from the recent oil spill. It is apparent that the report was released for political reasons, to try to rescue the administration from its flat-footedness over the entire episode. The administration’s report has come under withering fire from independent researchers. But it has received little withering fire from one notable quarter: environmentalists. Where is the Union of Concerned Scientists calling for DefCon1 about the “politicization of science”? If this report had come from the Bush administration… but this sentence finishes itself rather too easily.

While we’re visiting this topic, don’t miss Fred Siegel’s meditations on the effect environmentalism has had on liberalism in the latest issue of City Journal. Environmentalism in its most popular and politicized form is essentially il-liberal, but somehow finds a happy home on the left. As I wrote a long time ago, it was environmentalism, among other things, that helped turn liberalism from an optimistic creed in the 1960s, when “growth liberalism” was riding high, to a pessimistic creed little more than a decade later, when both Governor Jerry Brown and President Jimmy Carter were obsessed with the “limits to growth.” Liberalism is still stuck here, which is why the Obama administration is confused and incoherent on green issues.

Image by eutrophication&hypoxia.

safeWill Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, at his speech today at the Fed’s symposium in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, announce the possibility of negative interest rates? It doesn’t seem likely, but he could and—if you are seriously worried about deflation—should.

Alan Blinder, in yesterday’s Wall Street Journal (“The Fed Is Running Low on Ammo”), suggested that it “may sound crazy, but central bank reserves can pay negative interest rates.” He’s certainly right. As discussed in more detail in my May 2009 article, “Why Not Negative Interest Rates?” negative interest rates not only are theoretically possible, but have actually occurred. (Of course, interest rates can be negative in real or inflation-adjusted terms, while still positive in nominal terms. What we mean here are negative nominal interest rates.)

So, although people often write about the “zero bound” for interest rates, in fact interest rates do not have a zero bound. For a situation which combines significant deflation with a high load of debt—a toxic combination—negative interest rates may be just what the doctor should order.

The obvious candidate for where to establish negative interest rates is indeed on excess reserves being held by banks at the Fed—at the moment about $1 trillion in idle funds. These represent the banking equivalent of stuffing currency in the mattress. If banks were faced with negative interest rates on these deposits, as Blinder suggests, it would increase the incentive to make loans or investments instead.

In June 2003, Fed Governor Bernanke asked, “whether it would make sense tactically to say publicly that we are willing to lower the federal funds rate to zero if necessary … there would no longer be a feeling in the market that we have reached the end of our rope.”

In August 2010, one could similarly ask “whether it would make sense tactically to say publicly that we are willing to go to negative rates if necessary … there would no longer be a feeling in the market that we have reached the end of our rope.”

Could the Fed chairman be willing to say that? We’ll see.

Image by Cliff1066.

WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM ANNUAL MEETING 2010 DAVOSFor those not following the story, back in July, World magazine’s Marvin Olasky called on “progressive evangelical” Jim Wallis to come clean and admit that he’s on the left. As evidence of what ought to be obvious to anyone who follows Wallis, Olasky mentioned that Sojourners, Wallis’s organization, had received grants from left-wing billionaire George Soros, through his Open Society Institute (OSI).

When Wallis was asked about the Soros funding in an interview, he replied:

It’s not hyperbole or overstatement to say that Glenn Beck lies for a living. I’m sad to see Marvin Olasky doing the same thing. No, we don’t receive money from Soros. Given the financial crisis of nonprofits, maybe Marvin should call Soros and ask him to send us money.

So, no, we don’t receive money from George Soros. Our books are totally open, always have been. Our money comes from Christians who support us and who read Sojourners.

Continue reading this post.

Image by World Economic Forum.

Rubin: The United States must sustain outreach to the Shiite world. “Why Najaf Matters in Post-War Iraq
Noriega:China, Chávez Collaborate; U.S. Wrong to Underestimate
Atkins: A new rule will discriminate among shareholders. “The SEC’s Sop to Unions
Goldberg: It is clear President Obama misread his mandate. “Dorsal Fins Surround White House
Gottlieb:ObamaCare: It Is Here
Pollock:To Overhaul the GSEs, Divide Them into Three Parts

iveta_radicova_8From the Treaty of Rome down to the Lisbon Treaty, constitutional equality has been a central tenet of the “European project.” But some countries have always been more equal than others. Thus, famously, when several Eastern European nations sided with the United States on the Iraq invasion, French President Jacques Chirac charged that “they were not well brought up” and had “missed an opportunity to shut up.” Though Eastern European countries have been EU members now for some years, that attitude—they should be treated as naughty children if they get out of line—still surfaces on occasion.

As recently, when the Slovak parliament voted overwhelmingly to opt out of an EU fund to bail out Greece. Brussels was livid, with Olli Rehn, EU Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs, charging near-treason, a “breach of solidarity,” against Slovakia and threatening undetermined reprisals in the future. But he has met his match in the feisty new Slovak prime minister, Iveta Radicova. Rather than backing down with mea culpas, she boldly took after the minister, giving him a lesson on democratic legitimacy, the role of elected officials vs. the Brussels bureaucracy, and the historical memory of former Soviet captives.

Speaking to a “non-elected official from Brussels,” she stated: “Talk that Slovakia is acting irresponsibly must stop. To say it in all clarity: When democratically elected politicians raise criticisms they have the right to do so. But European administrators do not have this right, not at any time.” And in a particular biting zinger for Rehn, who hails from Finland: “Europe must not be constituted by a big brother and many satellites which have to obey the larger, more powerful and wealthier. We remember very well what it means to be a satellite.”

Yesterday, Germany’s Angela Merkel tried to calm the waters by affirming that she had no doubt that Slovakia would be “a very reliable partner.” And well she might seek to end the discussion: most Germans would side with the Slovak parliament, and with Radicova’s final dart, to wit: “We (will) show solidarity and responsibility … but we don’t want people who acted irresponsibly to get money.”

Image by Moja prezidentka Iveta Radičová.

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Andrew Biggs

Believe Me or Your Own Lying Eyes?

By Andrew Biggs

August 26, 2010, 12:20 pm

binocularsWisconsin Congressman Phil Hare says we shouldn’t worry so much about Social Security—we’ve got the trust fund to save us:

On the 75th anniversary of Social Security, its August 5th trustee’s report reaffirms that the program’s financial strength and stability is well. The trustees confirm that Social Security can pay full benefits through the year 2037 even if we do nothing more.

Social Security is currently running payroll tax deficits, meaning the system will need to begin redeeming bonds held in the trust fund to help pay benefits. The fund is expected to last through 2037. But there’s a problem with government trust funds, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Here they write with reference to the Medicare trust fund, but the same holds for Social Security:

Reports on HI [Hospital Insurance] trust fund balances from the Medicare trustees and others show the extent of prefunding of benefits that theoretically is occurring in the trust fund. However, because the government has used the cash from the trust fund surpluses to finance other current activities rather than saving the cash by running unified budget surpluses, the government as a whole has not been truly prefunding Medicare benefits. The nature of trust fund accounting within a unified budget framework implies that trust fund balances convey little information about the extent to which the federal government has prepared for future financial burdens, and therefore that trust funds have important legal meaning but little economic meaning.

Does that make you feel better about things?

Image by gerlos.

chevyGeneral Motors’ (GM) announced intent to go forward with an initial public offering (IPO) last week triggered a cascade of comment, ranging from applause and cautious optimism to deep skepticism and even derision. The Economist, leading with the headline above, called for an apology to President Obama from “doomsayers” who had predicted that the 2008 takeover would go “horribly wrong.” According to the newspaper, GM is “rising from the ashes.” Not so fast, argued many other commentators: Investors Business Daily held that it was a “victory for the Obama administration” and for “government priorities,” but a loss for GM and the market. Famed stock guru Jim Cramer asserted that GM was a “victim” of the November elections in the too-soon rush to sell public shares. And my AEI colleague, Philip Levy, blogged a warning to “Check Under GM’s Hood” (most particularly at its unfunded pension obligations) before concluding that the company is indeed rising from the ashes.

Confirming the suspicion that political calculations are a central driving force behind the decision to move forward with the public offering, Vice President Joe Biden this week immediately went to Ohio to proclaim that the IPO proved the GM bailout had saved the U.S. auto industry and stimulated job growth across the country. With increasingly bleak news about the state of the U.S. economy, and with the prospect of a Democratic debacle in the November midterm elections, no doubt this is only the first of many speeches by the president and vice president touting the administration’s wisdom and courage in rescuing an iconic American brand.

Continue reading this post.

Image by ChevroletCruze.

cowjpgChris Good at The Atlantic reports on a letter from fiscal commission chair Senator Alan Simpson (R-Wyoming) to Ashley Carson, the executive director of the Older Women’s League (OWL), in which Simpson says with reference to Social Security, “We’ve reached a point now where it’s like a milk cow with 310 million tits!”

It’s perhaps a sign of the times that you can’t make an analogy—albeit an analogy I can’t say I completely understand—without being called sexist. Eric Kingson of the left-leaning Social Security Works promptly obliged, coupled with a call to resign.

Personally I think Simpson’s comment was virulently anti-cow—everyone knows that cows have only four tits. Or teats. Whatever. That said, the guy’s from Wyoming so my guess is a cow that got only a little harsh language thinks it got off easy.

Finally, I think that fights like this are—get ready!—an udder waste of time. Simpson is silly to provide an opening like this; where’s the staff when you need them? And Kingson is immature to follow up with feigned outrage. If these folks truly get upset about a slightly strange cow analogy then they’re worse off than I thought.

But that’s where things stand today.

Image by Keven Law.


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