One of the consequences of the deep recession of 2007–2009, and of the high unemployment rate which threatens to become semi-permanent, is the eclipse of abortion as a political issue. Over a period of three decades abortion was a staple of political discourse, often to the discomfort of politicians. The irony is that it need not have been a national political issue at all. When the Supreme Court issued its decision in Roe v. Wade in January 1973, 16 states with 41 percent of the nation’s population had in the previous five years liberalized their abortion laws, including California (where the legislation was signed by Governor Ronald Reagan) and New York. Three-quarters of Americans lived within 100 miles of a state where abortion was generally available. At that moment in 1973, legislatures in almost every state were beginning their sessions; some of them in other states would surely have liberalized their abortion laws. We would have ended up with an abortion regime like that in Europe, where abortion is widely available but subject to certain restrictions of the sort that the U.S. Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional.
The abortion issue was nettlesome to many politicians in the 1970s because it split both party’s coalitions. In my home state of Michigan, the leading proponent of abortion rights was Governor William Milliken, a Republican of considerable personal wealth and a graduate of Yale. The leading opponent of abortion rights was state House Speaker William Ryan, a Catholic and supporter of labor unions whose home in Detroit was next door to a nunnery. In a state like Iowa, where Catholics were a major source of Democratic support, the abortion issue caused many of them to vote Republican, which led to the defeat of Democratic Senator Dick Clark in 1978 and his Democratic colleague John Culver in 1980.
In time the two parties adapted. By the late 1980s there were few abortion rights supporters among active Republican politicians and few abortion rights opponents among active Democratic politicians. Among voters, too, pro-life men and women moved toward Republicans and pro-choice men and women toward Democrats. By the beginning of this decade there was a very high correlation between stands on abortion and party identification.
This continued to be the case up through and including the 2008 election. The Alan Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion rights organization, collects statistics that are widely accepted by advocates on all sides of the abortion issue. The institute provide a fascinating look at American society and American politics. If I am correct in supposing that in a time of economic distress abortion is likely to become a less salient issue, their latest compilation provides a look back at the way Americans live and the way they vote.
Two findings stand out.
The first is that Americans have been, as it were, voting with their feet against abortion. The abortion rate—the number of abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44—has slowly but significantly fallen during the three-plus decades since Roe v. Wade. That rate rose sharply from 16.3 in 1973 to 19.3 in 1974, 21.7 in 1975, 24.2 in 1976, and 27.7 in 1977. It remained between 25.0 and 29.3 from 1978 to 1993, then began falling sharply, to 19.7 in 2004 and 19.4 in 2005, the latest figures in the Guttmacher Institute’s report.
The New York-based Guttmacher Institute notes also that the number of abortion providers has dropped precipitously, from 2,380 in 1992 to 1,787 in 2005. It makes much of the fact that 87 percent of America’s 3.141 counties have no abortion provider. Some advocates of abortion rights see this as a dire trend, preventing women in need of an abortion from being able to obtain one. That may come naturally to Manhattanites accustomed to walking not more than a block to take their clothes to the cleaners. But the fact that there is only one abortion provider in North Dakota and only two in Wyoming is, in my view, less of a problem for those seeking abortions. People in North Dakota are used to driving 200 miles to go to a shopping mall and high school football teams are commonly driven 150 miles in Wyoming to play weekly games. Abortion remains available in all 50 states and the District of Columbia for those who really want one, and the median cost of $523 is within reach of just about all of them.
But, and here is the second finding that stands out from the Guttmacher Institute’s statistics, the abortion rate varies widely among the states, and there is a high correlation between the abortion rate and voting behavior. Only 11 states and Washington, D.C. have abortion rates above the national average of 19.4. They include Hawaii, California, and Nevada in the West, Florida in the South, and seven of the eight states through which the Acela trains run in the Northeast—Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland plus D.C. All of these voted for Barack Obama in 2008; all but Nevada and Florida voted for John Kerry in 2004 and Al Gore in 2000.
The correlation between abortion rates and voting behavior is shown in the following table in which the states are ranked by the percentage of the vote going to Obama, and in which higher-than-average Obama percentages and abortion rates are printed in boldface type.
States Ranked by Percent Voting for Obama and by Abortion Rate (abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44, 2005)

Eight of the top ten Obama states plus D.C. have above-average abortion rates; the only exceptions are tiny Vermont and Illinois, where the abortion rate is only slightly below the national average. The only other states with above-average abortion rates are New Jersey, Nevada, and Florida. The state with by far the lowest abortion rate, Wyoming, also had the lowest Obama percentage. The highest abortion rate states are clustered at the geographic edges, the northeast, southeast, and southwest of America; in the vast geographic heartland the abortion rates are relatively low.
Roe v. Wade imposed the same legal abortion regime on the entire nation and made abortion a national political issue. Yet Americans in different regions and states have in effect established very different behavioral abortion regimes. Abortion is very common in New York (abortion rate of 38.2) and New Jersey (34.3), only about half as common in Illinois (18.9) and Texas (17.3), and lower in South Carolina (7.9) and Utah (6.4). Cultural liberals have noted that divorce rates are relatively low in some politically liberal states like Massachusetts and relatively high in some politically conservative states like Oklahoma. But abortion rates seem highly correlated with cultural attitudes and with, at least during the time that abortion has been a major political issue, voting behavior.